Thursday, June 13, 2013

Bricks or turmeric powder, women show they can do better than men

The piece came in 'Grassroots' June 15, 2013

Bricks or turmeric powder, women show they can do better than men


PRADEEP BAISAKH, Bhubaneswar


The self help movement in India has brought about entrepreneurship among rural women, which was not quite conventional earlier. With the guidance of civil society organisations, in many places in Odisha several women’s groups have proved to be performing entrepreneurs.

The women self-help group (SHG) members of Jerabanji village of Balangir district of Odisha took up the challenge to start unique entrepreneurship of running a brick kiln for self employment. Sarala SHG consisting ten members has been functioning in the area for seven years. Since last year they started making bricks with a modest investment. But at the end of the season the group made a handsome income of 1.4 lakh rupees. Ten women made and sold 70,000 bricks to the traders last year. Each got a sum of 14,000 rupees in just two months of effort. Initial finance for getting wood from the jungle and transporting them and purchasing the frame to mould bricks were met from the regular small monthly savings the women make to their SHG account.

This money was invested by the women in their children’s education, making houses and meeting daily household needs. “My son Suasant studies in intermediate. I purchased books and notes for him and borne upon his travel expenses from home to college from this income.” says a proud Bilasa Bhoi, President of the SHG. Similarly other members like Mula Dharua and Usha Dharua spent on their children education. Apart from selling the bricks, some women like Bilasa Bhoi and others made their own houses of their handmade bricks.

In the area brick kilns were operating for last some years by some local businessmen where the families of these women used to work. Some of the male members of these families also used to migrate out of state earlier. But this time around they took up the challenge onto themselves.  All the family members of the women worked in their own kilns. They sold their bricks to the local traders who sold them in the district market. The staff of the local NGO, Friends for Human Development (FHD) supported the women in making a good bargain with the traders. Had they been the labourers in other’s kiln, each of these women would have earned a wage of meagre 2200 making those many bricks.

There are some families in this remote village which migrate to other states like Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu to work in brick kilns. In fact Balangir district is infamous in sending migrant labourers to other states. This happens due to dearth of work in the villages. The families which migrate to other states to work have to go through severity of life and torture by the employers. This time a village women Bhagyabati Dharua, who went with her relatives to work in kilns in Secunderabad in Andhra Pradesh, was made to work for more than eighteen hours a day and was given paltry to meet her daily food expenses. Bhagyabati did not get any advance money nor any payment for her month’s work. Finally she and her group clandestinely flee from the place back to village.

In local brick kilns at least there is not harassment. “For us it is easy to have own brick kilns. We are not under any pressure to work stretched hours. Simultaneously when we are seeing our daily household chores, we mould bricks. The kiln is in the end of the village. We may stay near the site or stay in the our houses in the villages.” Says Bilasa Bhoi. Motivated with the last year’s success, this year also the women have again started moulding bricks and making their own kilns.

Women turn turmeric traders!


Women in the adjacent Boud district have become traders! Conventionally it is the domain of men in Odisha. The women members of the Nari Vikas Samavaya Ltd, a women cooperative have turned themselves to turmeric traders. Along with managing their daily household chores, the women in the cooperative prepare turmeric power for personal consumptions and they also sell it to the villagers. This unadulterated turmeric powder is also used in preparing the mid day meals for the students in the village schools.

In 2007 Youth Council for Development Alternative (YCDA), a local NGO facilitated the formation of a cooperative of women in two Panchayats in Khamanimunda and Khuntigura GP under Kantamal block of Boud district consisting 105 women. Out of them about 30 members are now quite active in the cooperative and each member saves some money every month in the account of the cooperative. In 2010 the NGO provided some financial support to start a grinding meal for grinding turmeric and wheat. “We then started purchasing raw turmeric from Baliguida market of neighbouring Kandhamal district and process them for making the powder.” Says Kavita Behera, President of the group. The women make their initial investment from the regular monthly group savings. The business provides employment to the women of the cooperative. They do not outsource any work. This is like a self employment unit. Two or three members are given the task to purchase turmeric. Another group of women may wash, dry and cut the turmeric into small pieces which could be grinded. A person is employed to run the meal. The powder are then formed into packets of different denominations with the brand name “Nari Vikas Samavaya Ltd”.  All the women who are involved in the purchasing and processing are given daily wages. The meal has been built on the land of a woman from the cooperative itself. She has opened a shop adjacent to the meal where she sells the product. She keeps some percentage of profit from the sell and rest goes to the group account. The group purchases about one to two quintals of turmeric each year with an investment of the range 15,000 to 30,000. The final product is sold with about 20 percent more rate than the raw material. “This is quite a modest rate. “But as this is quite a pure form of turmeric, our own cooperative women purchase them. Some neighbours also purchase. Now we are selling this product to six schools who use them in preparing mid day meals.” Boastfully say Savita. 

The product of the cooperative is not very competitive in the market as the market rate of turmeric powder is less than that of the cooperative’s product. Even then the villagers prefer the cooperative product due to its purity. In fact the ones sold in the open market are adulterated, say the locals. “The labour of women and the sale-ability of their produces need not be seen in the perspective of profits but with consumption. More than 100 families consume pure form of turmeric. And what’s more that their own children in the schools eat food cooked using this pure products . This is the success of the women in the cooperative” says Suresh Pradhan of the local NGO.

……………
Pradeep Baisakh is a Journalist based in Odisha, India and a media fellow of National Foundation of India (2012). His articles can be acessed at: http://pradeepbaisakh.blogspot.com/ . He can be contacted through email:2006pradeep@gmail.com.

Posco plant could be reality soon: land ‘grab’ to resume

This piece came in 'Governance Now' on April 10, 2013. 


Posco plant could be reality soon: land ‘grab’ to resume

Administration gears up even as women threaten nude protests

PRADEEP BAISAKH | BHUBANESWAR | APRIL 10 2013

Just 250 acres of additional land is required for the district administration of Jagatsingpur of Odisha from the area earmarked for Posco’s proposed steel and power plant to complete the acquisition of 2,700 acres of land, which is needed to begin work for the plant. The administration is gearing up to resume the land acquisition in the strategic Gobindpur village, considered to be the citadel of anti-Posco movement, as the latest assembly session ended on April 6.
The administration was able to break into the anti-Posco bastion and ‘capture’ 450 acres of land (government authorities claim to have acquired this much land) in two phases in February and March 2013. As many as 250 and 200 acres were acquired respectively in just three to four days of operation in each case. The administration preferred to take pause in the spree of acquisition process during the assembly sessions to stave off possibility of stormy debate in the house. Earlier 2,000 acres were already acquired from nearby Gadakujanga and Nuagaon panchayat. 

In fact, led by the economist-prime minister Manmohan Singh, the central government seems to have distanced itself from the basic constitutional premise of the ‘sovereignty’ of people. The fast-dwindling concept of “We the people of India…” has given way to a gradual control of foreign corporates over the Indian policymaking with Singh in the saddle. Tracking the government’s manoeuvres in implementation of the Posco project, tipped to be the biggest FDI in India, would provide some glimpse of the same. The proposed plant was to have a capacity of 12 mtpa and will pump in $12 billion in investment. However, the capacity has been reduced to 8 mtpa and accordingly the land requirement was truncated from 4,000 acres to 2,700 acres. 

On January 29, 2013 the South Korean knowledge and economy minister Sukwoo Hong during his visit to Agra expressed his worry about ‘tardy’ implementation of the project. To allay his fears, commerce and industry minister Anand Sharma told him that “prime minister Manmohan Singh is himself monitoring the project, which is followed by the prime minister’s office (PMO).” South Korea, it is understood, ‘categorically’ asked India to sort out the hurdle in way of the project.

The impact of the direction from the South Korean minister was felt just after four days in Gobindpur village on February 3 where police ruthlessly beat the women and children to make way for land acquisition. About 25 people were injured in the clash including children and old. Eventually on March 2 three protesters died after the blast of crude bombs in nearby Patana village. 

Sumit Chakravorty, editor of the Mainstream weekly, says, “I wonder how the FDI will help in development of the country and the people. In another 20 years all the mineral resources will be gone. The way things are going, the sovereignty of the nation seems to be at stake.

Insensitivity of Indian and foreign officials

In fact, led by the economist-prime minister Manmohan Singh, the central government seems to have distanced itself from the basic constitutional premise of the ‘sovereignty’ of people. The fast-dwindling concept of “We the people of India…” has given way to a gradual control of foreign corporate over the Indian policy making with Singh in the saddle. Tracking the government’s manoeuvres in implementation of the Posco project, tipped to be the biggest FDI in India, would provide some glimpse of the same. The proposed plant was to have a capacity of 12 mtpa and will pump in $12 billion in investment. However, the capacity has been reduced to 8 mtpa and accordingly the land requirement was truncated from 4,000 acres to 2,700 acres. 

On January 29, 2013 the South Korean knowledge and economy minister Sukwoo Hong during his visit to Agra expressed his worry about ‘tardy’ implementation of the project. To allay his fears, commerce and industry minister Anand Sharma told him that “prime minister Manmohan Singh is himself monitoring the project, which is followed by the prime minister’s office (PMO).” South Korea, it is understood, ‘categorically’ asked India to sort out the hurdle in way of the project.

The impact of the direction from the South Korean minister was felt just after four days in Gobindpur village on February 3 where police ruthlessly beat the women and children to make way for land acquisition. About 25 people were injured in the clash including children and old. Eventually on March 2 three protesters died after the blast of crude bombs in nearby Patana village.

Sumit Chakravorty, editor of the Mainstream weekly, says, “I wonder how the FDI will help in development of the country and the people. In another 20 years all the mineral resources will be gone. The way things are going, the sovereignty of the nation seems to be at stake.”

The three deaths were not a deterrent for the state to resume land acquisition. The administration went ahead with its plan and resumed it on March 3. None of the officials however visited the families of the deceased for some days. When contacted for comment, district collector SK Mallick said, "We were on the spot today but no one came to meet us. And why would I meet the criminals? There are criminal cases against two of the people who have died!” However, the police allegedly have indiscriminately filed criminal cases against the protesters. PTI news agency reported that about 2,500 cases have been clamped against the villagers in last eight years of protest and nearly seventy cases against Abhay Sahoo, the leader of PPSS.

The ambassador of South Korea to India, Kim Joong Keun, met chief minister Naveen Patnaik on March 6 and requested him to give further push to the project. The envoy said, "If possible, I would like to see our president and your chief minister launch this mega project." He however did not say a single word about the people who died in the blast just four days before his meet with the CM.

Strategic advantage for police, PPSS on defensive 

Resistance to the first phase of acquisition on February 3 continued and the use of force was widely condemned by all and sundry. Several politicians from the state capital visited and expressed solidarity with the protestors. D Raja, national secretary of the Communist Party of India (CPI), also came down to Gobindpur from New Delhi. His party has been providing leadership to the anti-Posco movement from the beginning. Despite people’s demand for the police to leave Gobindpur village, the police did not wind up its two camps where about 15-20 police personnel have been staying all the time. The rest of the force was staying near a transit camp about three kilometres away from the village.

Earlier, since Balitikira, the entry point of the village, was under the control of the villagers, police could never enter Gobindpur village in the last eight years. Last time in May 2011, when police attempted to enter the village, children lied down on hot sand at Balitikira to block their entry. The protesters clung on to the strategic location as pressure mounted severely on the administration to withdraw police force then. But this time, after capturing that strategic point and establishing camps in the village, the police never budged to the demands of leaders from opposition parties to leave the village during even the lull period taking the plea of protecting law and order in the village. Two camps still exist in the village.

The strategy and response of the political parties, particularly the CPI, seemed not to be very intense this time; unlike in May 2011 when a similar situation had arisen. Then, as some policemen strayed into the agricultural land of people to dismantle the betel vines, leaders of five-party conglomerate (CPI, CPM, Samajwadi party and Rashtriya Janata Dal and other parties) sat down on the spot where betel vines were dismantled forcing the police to return. At one point when the situation was worsening due to the continued police presence in the place, CPI leader Narayan Reddy categorically asked Patnaik to withdraw force from the area, which had moral pressure on the government as CPI was an alliance partner of the ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD) in the 2009 general elections. Due to the mounting pressure, police had to withdraw itself from Balitikira.

But this time, when police were acquiring land in Gobindpur, the party leadership was away in nearby Dhinkia village. The political leaders who came from Bhubaneswar would only make a superficial gesture of solidarity to people. People in Gobindpur did not get immediate support of the leadership and gave away land out of fear. The leadership came to directly confront police at the spot after four days, but by then the administration had acquired 250 acres.

Bibhu Praasad Tarai, the local MP from CPI who sided with protesters on the first day of acquisition, was not seen during the rest of the days. Clarifying on a possible alliance with BJD in 2014 general election, Tarai said, “an electoral alliance with BJD and our fight against the Posco project in Dhinkia are different matters.” But in a surprising statement, he said, “we would not mind if the project is shifted to a place just two kilometres away from Dhinkia.” Many anti-Posco activists saw this as an appeasement to Patnaik as this was not in sync with the stand of PPSS which demands complete scrapping of the project from the area.

CPI's compulsions 

There are electoral compulsions for CPI to resume is ties with BJD ahead of the general election in 2014. Both in 2004 and in 2009 the party had faced the situation of losing its national party status. CPI has only 4 seats in the present (15th) Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament), one of them is from Jagatsingpur district of Odisha, which it won due to alliance with the ruling BJD. Insiders of the party say “Voter base and winning a MP seat and some MLA seats from Odisha in coming elections could have significance toward the continuity of national party status of CPI.”. Importance of Odisha for CPI was reflected in its decision to hold its national executive meeting in Bhubaneswar in January 2013 where its general secretary A B Bardhan strongly hinted toward alliance with BJD in 2014 state and general (Lok Shabha) elections.

Alliance seems necessary toward strengthening the possibility of emergence of a non-Congress and non-BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) force in the national politics in 2014 general election. If Naveen is not taken into the fold of possible ‘third front’ there is possibility that he will go with its former long term ally, BJP. These are the reasons why CPI may be trying to keep Naveen in good humour.

“Even though on ground CPI supports the anti-Posco movement, over ground it has gone openly with the party which is advocating for Posco. It is sheer double standard. CPI’s strength in Odisha lies in its leadership taking up people’s issues. Preferring electoral politics over people’s interest would be counter-productive for the party in the long run,” says Basudev Mahapatra, senior journalist.

Raja of CPI evaded the question on a possible alliance with BJD. He said, “we are open to form an alliance with non-BJP and non-Congress parties, but things vary from place to place. I will have to speak to my party collages in Odisha before giving any opinion on the possibility of alliance. I do not have updated information on that.”

Questionable legal basis

The environment clearance granted to the project by the ministry of environment and forests (MoEF) was suspended by the national green tribunal (NGT), a statutory body, in March 2012. Acquiring land for the project after that is illegal, according to experts. Meanwhile, the MoU between the company and the Odisha government expired in June 2010 and has not been renewed yet. So, why acquire land?

Nude protest, the only option left? 


On March 7, some women lodged a semi-nude protest against the forceful land grabbing by police. PPSS has declared that the women from three villages under Dhinkia panchayat would make a nude protest en masse in case the government resumed land acquisition with use of force.

Tanu Das, an elderly woman, says, “We are left with no other option as the government has not heeded our democratic protests and instead indiscriminately used force against us. All mothers will make a nude protest if the government dares to take away our land.” Now it depends on the central and state governments and the political parties opposing or supporting the project if they wish to protect the dignity of Indian women or succumb to the pressure of global capital! 
.........
Baisakh is an Odisha-based freelance journalist and National Foundation of India (NFI) media fellow of 2012.

Towards upping the ante

This piece came in 'The Hindu'-Periscope on 5th April 2013

Web link: http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/towards-upping-the-ante/article4583083.ece

Towards upping the ante


PRADEEP BAISAKH

Decentralising ration procurement in Odisha’s anganwadis has yielded better results


Flexibility for anganwadis: Effect of decentralisation.Photo: Pradeep Baisakh

Following the Rs. 700 crore pulses scam in Odisha in January 2011, the State government decided to decentralise the procurement of all the items in the supplementary nutrition programme (SNP) under the Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) and the Mid Day Meal programme in schools, with the exception of rice which is supplied by the Food Corporation of India.
Two years since, the decision has brought colours in the villages. In the Kakringia anganwadi centre (in Kasinipur gram panchayat under Phiringia block) in the tribal-dominated Kandhamal district, about 10 children in the age group of 3-6 years arrive in the morning and stay till noon. In the morning, they receive snacks and have a hot cooked meal for lunch — both following the standard menu developed by the WCD Department.

Asked if they get a stomach full of food at the anganwadi, the senior children nodded in affirmative. They get vegetables and eggs regularly as per norms. The anganwadis are also tasked with providing ‘Take Home Ration’ (THR) for children in six months to three years group, for pregnant and lactating mothers and for severely undernourished children. Damayanti Kahanra, a pregnant woman from Babdingia village under Phiringia block, says she has been getting two packets of ground cereals every month.

Under the new dispensation, joint accounts have been opened in the name of the anganwadi worker and the ward member of the village who will purchase the ration. “This has fixed accountability on the anganwadi workers which they cannot escape. Therefore the delivery is better,” says Rajkishor Mishra, State Advisor to Supreme Court Commission on Right to Food. The new system has dispensed with the contractor system which was a source of corruption. Odisha became one of the first States to implement the standing order of the Supreme Court to ban contractors in ICDS. The ground cereals are procured from local SHGs, thus providing rural women with entrepreneurial opportunities.

A study conducted by the Voice for Child Rights Organisation (VCRO), a civil society organisation working for children, in December 2011 in seven districts on the functioning of decentralised procurement shows that deliveries have improved in quality and regularity under the ICDS. Fifty seven per cent of the surveyed beneficiaries said that their children are getting regular cooked meals as per the menu chart; 58 per cent said that cooked food given under SNP is sufficient; 60 pre cent said the morning snacks is as per norms; 87 per cent said that they have received dry ration regularly and as per norms. In 65 per cent cases, the standard menu chart is displayed in the anganwadi centres.

“Earlier there was delay in delivery of ration and rice near us. We could hardly give some lentils and rice to the children. However with money coming directly to our hands, we are trying to give best to the children,” says an anganwadi worker in Nuapada district.

In Odisha, 71,000 anganwadi centres benefit about 45 lakh people, including children under 6 years and pregnant and lactating women. As per official figures, in 2012-13, Rs. 625 crore was released under the decentralised procurement process in SNP to the anganwadi centres and block levels. Apart from food, the government also provides uniforms for the students and books.

However, there is a complete mismatch between cost norms and nutrition norms. On an average, Rs. 2.33 is spent toward the food of each child excluding rice. This is too meagre in view of the inflationary trend in food prices. The rate has not been revised for last five to six years. Secretary of the WCD Department, Arati Ahuja, says, “This amount is actually less but we have been able to manage due to localisation of purchase as this keeps the purchase cost low. Locally available seasonal vegetable and pulses could be procured keeping calorie requirement in mind. We have not fixed price for each item and we have made it a weekly costing system to give flexibility to the anganwadi worker to manage within the overall cost.”

(The writer is a journalist based in Odisha and a media fellow of National Foundation of India [2012])

Thursday, March 28, 2013

People vs POSCO: cost of development

This piece came in 'Governance Now' on 22nd February 2013

Web Link: http://www.governancenow.com/news/regular-story/people-vs-posco-cost-development


People vs POSCO: cost of development


Villagers against POSCO fear police excesses. They do not want to part with land but don’t know how long they will be able to hold on
PRADEEP BAISAKH | BHUBANESWAR | FEBRUARY 22 2013
Kanduri Parida of Gobindpur village where police lathicharged: Photo by Basudev Mohapatra

People in Dhinkia, Gobindpur and Patana villages, where Pohang Iron & Steel Company (POSCO) proposes to set up its steel plant, were still asleep when the police entered the area around 4 am on February 3 to acquire land for the project.
As the message spread, the unarmed villagers rushed to the strategic entry point to three villages - Balitikira - and attempted to prevent the police from entering. But the mighty 400-strong police force beat up the women and children away who were first to reach the spot. TV cameras captured how women and children were manhandled in the wee hours and one Debandra Swain was pulled by the police and arrested. As many as 25 people received minor injuries, claims the anti-POSCO organisation, POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS). Eight-year-old Jagannath Dash was also hurt in the police lathicharge. Even the old people were not spared.
The district administration and officials of the Industrial Infrastructure Development Corporation (IDCO) of Odisha started dismantling the betel vines of people and acquiring land for the steel and power project by the South Korean giant. District collector Satya Kumar Mallick said that all happened “with the consent of people”. POSCO officials, part of the team formed by the collector to acquire land, were present on the spot. In the three-day operation, the administration dismantled betel vines of 51 families and gave them a sum of Rs 1.2 crore as compensation after acquiring 250 acres of land, says the collector.
And people who ‘acquiesced’ for giving their land did so out of fear. “I had gone to my betel vine. They asked me time and again if I agreed to give my land for the project. I had never seen so many police in my life. I nodded my head out of fear,” says a grieving Ranjan Parida. “How will we live now,” asks her mother Kanduri.
The proposal for the steel and power plant, tipped to be the biggest FDI in India, was inked in June 2005. The company required 4,004 acres of land from the panchayats of Dhinkia, Gada Kujang and Nuagaon gram panchayats of Kujang tehsil under Jagatsingpur district. The project has not seen the light of the day to date due to the fierce opposition from the locals.
There have been instances of bloodbath between the police and the people on many occasions. But neither the government nor the people relented. In a typical state-corporate nexus, false cases were clamped against the protesting individuals and were indiscriminately arrested. PPSS leader Abhay Sahoo was arrested twice and jailed for nearly two years. Various criminal cases have been clamped by the police against 1,500 villagers of Dhinkia panchayat. 
With prime minister Manmohan Singh’s blessings, the Naveen Patnaik government of Odisha has stretched itself too far to grab land for the foreign company. Pressure is also mounting from the South Korean government. During the recent visit of South Korean knowledge and economy minister Sukwoo Hong, commerce and industry minister Anand Sharma assured him saying that “the PM was monitoring the project.”
Odisha health minister Damodar Rout says, “It is the government land and government is taking it. People are encroachers. We are giving adequate compensation to them.”
Whose land is it?For its 12 million tonne per annum (mtpa) plant POSCO needed 4,004 acres of land, of which 2,900 acres is forest land and the rest is private land. However, it has later scaled down its demand to 2,700 acres and capacity to 8 mtpa. As many as 2,000 acres have been already acquired by the state from Nuagaon and Gada Kujang panchayats. For the rest, 700 acres, they are eying Gobindpur village.
Under the Forest Rights Act, 2006, no diversion of land use can take place till the process of providing individual and community claims are settled. The law also says favourable palli sabha (village assemblies) and gram sabha resolutions are needed to divert forest land. The government claimed that there are no tribals in the area. But Census 2001 shows the presence of 23 tribals in Polang village under Gada Kujang Panchayat. Later, though the government admitted the presence of tribals in the area owing to the findings of the Meena Gupta committee, it hoodwinked saying “there are no tribals in the proposed project sites.”
The government does not consider anyone staying there as ‘other traditional forest dwellers’ (OTFDs) under the law. OTFDs are those who have been living in forest for three generations or approximately 75 years. But the government argues that the area was declared as forest in 1961 and so there is no question of presence of any OTFDs. Therefore, forest rights settlement is not needed, and all land belongs to the government.
A Survey of India map of 1928 suggests the existence of betel vines there. Legal opinion does not buy the government’s argument. The palli sabhas of Dhinkia and Gobindpur have passed resolution thrice in last three years opposing forest land diversion. Yet, the ministry of environment and forests (MoEF) accorded the final forest clearance to the project in May 2011. It was contested in the Odisha high court, but it denied staying the process of acquisition of forest land, though it stayed acquiring the private land. “However both the NC Saxena and Meena Gupta committees which were asked to examine various aspects of legality of the project acknowledged that the due process under the FRA was not complete,” says environmentalist and forest rights expert Sweta Mishra.
Governance process affected People have paid the price for their protests. Postal service has been discontinued in Dhinkia panchayat for the last five years as the then post master Babaji Samantray was suspended for his involvement in anti-POSCO movement. People are forced to go to the Kujang post office to get their letters, including UID cards. However, government programmes like PDS, aanganwadis and schools function as usual, says Arun Parida, a local journalist. Sarpanch Sisir Mohapatra was suspended as he convened the gram sabha that passed resolution opposing the project. The panchayat is now run by the naib sarpanch. “But in case of any injury or ailment we are unable to go out of the panchayat to the nearest hospital as the police would arrest us. Babuli Rout was arrested before two months when he had gone to market,” says Manorama Khatua of Dhinkia.
Policeraj continuesThere was hue and cry by all political parties except the ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD) against the police operation. Leaders of the Congress, BJP, CPI, CPM, Forward Block, SP, RJD and Aam Admi Party supported the protesters in the demonstrations against the government.
Despite suspension of the project’s environment clearance by the National Green Tribunal and non-renewal of the MoU, the government continues to acquire land intimidating people, alleged international human rights bodies in letters to the PM and the CM. Even though the process is currently halted owing to widespread opposition, about 15-20 police official are camping in the Gobindpur village.
“As a result, the villagers against whom false cases are pending can’t stay in the village for fear of getting arrested,” alleges Prashant Paikray of the anti-POSCO outfit. As the state assembly session is on, the administration maintains a low profile in the area. “But the land acquisition will resume soon,” maintains Vishal Dev, chairman and managing director of IDCO.
 

Saturday, March 9, 2013

We will give a political alternative: Arvind Kejriwal

This piece came i n Open Democracy, a UK based journal on 8th March 2013 

Link: http://www.opendemocracy.net/openindia/pradeep-baisakh/we-will-give-people-political-alternative-interview-with-arvind-kejriwal

PRADEEP BAISAKH, 8 March 2013 

Arvind Kejriwal was considered to be the chief architect of the Anna movement against corruption that has shaked India for two years. Now Kejriwal has launched a political party, namely Aam Admi Party (AAP) to contest elections. 



The anti-corruption movement led by Kisan Baburao Hazare popularly known as 'Anna Hazare' in April 2011 under the banner of ‘India against Corruption’ (IAC) shook the whole nation beginning with India’s establishment. The movement demanded the passage of an anti-graft law, Jan Lokpal (Jan Lokpal is an Ombudsman-like institution addressing corruption in public life). Common people flocked in large numbers to support the movement which spread throughout the country. The astounding success of the movement in its initial days is at least comparable to the rise of the movement of Jayprakash Narayan (popularly known as the JP) against what was termed the autocratic rule of the then Prime Minister Ms Indira Gandhi in the 1970s, or V P Singh’s tirade against the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s alleged involvement in the Bofors defense scam in the late 80s (charges quashed by the Delhi High Court in February 2004). Arvind Kejriwal, trusted follower of Anna, was said to be the chief architect of the movement. A Gandhian social activist and a meticulous strategist, he has had many successes in his career. A former Indian Revenue Service officer, he received the Raman Magasaysay award for emergent leadership in 2006 for his work on the right to information in Delhi. Now the anti-corruption movement has turned political. The group has formed a political party in November 26, 2012 to contest elections though Anna Hazare has distanced himself from the party.
Pradeep Baisakh: Now that you have formed a political party, namely the ‘Aam Admi Party (AAP)’, what’s the road ahead? What you want to achieve from this that you could not do during your earlier movement against corruption? 
Arvind Kejriwal: Current politics is dominated by a ‘high command’ culture. All members of Parliament (MPs) have to obey the decision of these commands from on high. Only eighteen people really rule the country them. Not surprisingly, the people’s voice has no opportunity whatsoever to be heard. Our vision of alternative politics is complete decentralisation. People will select candidates and people will decide on laws and policies. Our idea of ‘Gram Swaraj’(village self rule) is a decentralised politics where people are the source of authority, not those who command from on high. 
PB: What will be the structure of the party?
AK: We are forming district and state committees consisting of local India Against Corruption (IAC) leaders and student leaders, spokesmen for the farmers, tribal leaders, dalit (scheduled caste) leaders, minority leaders, women leaders, doctors, lawyers, unemployed youths and others who have good reputation. This committee will then identify volunteers in every village of the state. We will stand candidates in all the parliamentary constituencies in the 2014 general election.
PB: You say so much about Swaraj. What is your definition of Swaraj?
AK: It is about common people deciding their own fate, their developmental plans sitting in Gram Sabhas (open meeting of villagers above 18 years of that village) and Mahola Sabhas (open meeting all people above 18 years living in that area). Plans will be prepared by these general bodies of people not in Delhi or state capitals.
PB: Can you think of any movement which is similar to your vision of alternative politics?
AK: As I said, it is basically a decentralised politics. Nothing can be a carbon copy.
But one has to learn from several other countries. There have been several examples. Switzerland has provisions of right to recall. The United States has taken great measures; many European countries have an equivalent. It existed in ancient India. Mahatma Gandhi always stressed the need for bottom-up politics. He wanted a democracy without political parties. 
PB: Who is your support base? Will you not require money to fight elections?
AK: The people at large are our support base. The candidates who will contest the elections will be chosen by people in that constituency. These candidates will not go to the Parliament or Assembly for their own gains in power but to serve people. The candidates will not have any red light cars, will not have any MP or MLA (Member of Legislative Assemblies) quota, and will be staying in a one-room flat, not in multi-crore (one crore is 10 million) bungalows. Honesty and simple living will be their hallmark. If people themselves campaign for the candidate chosen by them, we will not need any money to fight the elections. If people do not campaign for us, then we don’t need to be in politics at all.
PB: Do you think you will be able to cope with the ‘power politics’ prevailing today which needs muscle and that in turn requires money? 
AK: We will have to change all that. Ours will be an andolan (struggle), not a typical political party like we have so many proliferating today. It is all about people’s politics, not power politics.
PB: People say you are not a team person. Many of your friends from the formation of IAC have deserted you. And, finally Anna Hazare has also distanced himself. How will you succeed in achieving your maiden goal if you cannot get along with leaders?
AK: I do not agree with your statement. Our ways must be different but our end goal is the same - i.e. to remove corruption from India. As a journalist you are making efforts through your writings, similarly Annaji has chosen the path of andolan and I have chosen the path of politics. Annaji is my Guru and I have learnt a lot from him.  
PB: You have brought corruption charges against Robert Vadra, the son-in-law of Ms Sonia Gandhi, the Chairperson of the ruling establishment, Nitin Gadkari, former President of BJP, the principal opposition party and against the NGO run by the wife of Salman Khursid, the then law minister. Where do these charges lead? Nothing has happenedas a result, indeed Salman Khursid has been elevated to foreign minister?
AK: Our main motive behind exposing Robert Vadra, Nitin Gadkari, Salman Khurshid and other was to bring these issues in front of the people. The people of this country have the right to know how different political parties are looting the nation. The people of this country are now awakened. The next elections will not merely be the occasion for elections; they will be a sampoorna kranti (total revolution).   
PB: You have alleged that the current and earlier governments were involved in favouritism to Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance Industries Ltd in allotting the KG basin for gas exploration. What you would do about this crony capitalism if AAP comes to power? 
AK: All this has happened only because of lack of transparency and centralization of power. We have entered politics not to come to power, but to change the way politics is done currently i.e. by decentralizing the power and giving it in the hands of Aam Aadmi (common man). 
PB: Why do you think your last fast in Jantar Mantar in July 2012 received a far less enthusiastic response than the earlier ones?
AK: Even though people have faith in Anna’s leadership, people are no longer convinced that the protest or the fasting will yield any real results. It was clear that pressure from outside Parliament will not secure Jan Lokpal as none of the parties including the ruling Congress, and principal opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) want a strong ant-graft law. All of them are up their necks in corruption. The movement has to go inside Parliament. 
PB: What are the prospects for the Jan Lokpal now? 
AK: Jan Lokpal will come. This is basically a one-way journey to Jan Lokpal. Because none of these parties are willing to give us Jan Lokpal, this movement must go to the Parliament and pass the Jan Lokpal bill. 
PB: On Anna’s fight against corruption, P Sainath, Rural Affairs Editor of The Hindu and Magsaysay award winner said that it is an attempt to check the flow of water when all the taps open. He meant that you are not addressing the sources or root causes of corruption. How do you respond to that? 
AK: What are the sources of corruption?
PB: He was basically implying that you have not taken a stand on the neoliberal economy. He may have other arguments as well, such as structural inequalities like caste, class and regional inequalities, together with the economic policy decisions taken in last twenty years and the culture of arbitrariness.
AK: There are many reasons for corruption. What he says is right and all this needs to be tackled. Our entire movement was geared to demanding a Jan Lokpal bill in order to begin to create some sort of deterrence against corruption. We never took the position that a Jan Lokpal law would sweep away all types of corruption. Many steps still need to be taken to end corruption. Neo-liberal policies are not the sole reason by any means. 
PB: But the fact is that the quantum of corruption has been multiplying since a neoliberal economy was set in place. The Bofors scam amounted to about $10.8 million (INR 60 crore) and now we have the 2G spectrum scam which concerns $36 billion (INR 2 lakh crore) and a Coalgate scam worth $33.6 billion (INR 1.86 lakh crore), to cite a few examples?
AK: I completely agree.
PB: So why haven’t you taken a stand against the neo-liberal economy? Are you frightened of losing middle class support, when it is the middle class who make up your base, and the middle class (along with the upper class) who have benefited from these policies? 
AK: I never said that we cannot take a stand against neo-liberal policies. Our campaign was for the Jan Lokpal bill. We are not obliged to take a stand on everything at once. 
PB: But now that you have entered into politics, will you take a public stand on this? 
AK: We are creating a platform for discussion on several fronts and we will take all these issues to the public. Moreover, we would like public discussion take place on all these issues.
PB: There are waves of policies which legitimate the transfer of natural resources like land, water, forest to the private companies and multi-multinationals in the name of public interest. Many say that hardly any public interest is served by this. What do you have to say on this? 
AK: That’s wrong. That has to stop.
PB: You have demanded a right of recall and a right to reject. What’s your stand on other important reform proposals – for example on electoral reforms like ‘state funding of elections’?
AK: We had four demands. Jan Lokpal, right to recall, right to reject and Gram Swaraj (village self rule). We are open to various ideas of electoral reform. Let suggestions come in and let the people debate them. 
PB: Do you want to be the Prime Minster of the country? 
AK: Positions are not important for us, issues are. I am not fighting this battle to be the Prime Minister but to address various issues plaguing the nation and the people.

(Acknowledgement: This is an updated version of the interview carried in Orissa Diary on September 20, 2012.)





Forcing The Way For POSCO


This piece came in Tehelka magazine Feb 16, 2013 

Link: http://tehelka.com/forcing-the-way-for-posco/

Clashes may have temporarily halted the process, but pressure is mounting on the state to acquire land for the $12 billion steel project. Pradeep Baisakh reports

AT 4 AM on Sunday, 3 February, nearly 400 policemen surrounded the entry points to the villages of Gobindpur and Dhinkia in the Jagatsingpur district of Odisha. The two villages are among the last hurdles to the steel major POSCO’S $12 billion project in the state. As dawn broke, the police lathicharged the villagers who had gathered at the spot, injuring over 25, mostly women and children. However, the land acquisition was stalled on 7 February, following mounting criticism of the police action.
This was the latest in the Odisha government’s attempts to restart work on the mega steel project that has met stiff public opposition in the state, since its inception in 2005. The government’s move came less than a week after South Korean Minister of Knowledge Economy Hong Suk-woo ‘categorically’ asked India to sort out the hurdles in the way of the project.
After initial obstacles in the land acquisition process, POSCO had scaled down its demand from 4,000 acres to 2,700 acres. The government acquired 2,000 acres between 2005 and 2011. The remaining 700 acres have to be acquired from Gobindpur and Dhinkia villages — mostly forested areas. Despite the village councils passing resolutions under the Forest Rights Act to not hand over any land for industrial purposes, the villagers allege that the government has been attempting to take the land by force. Soon after the district administration declared it would acquire the remaining 700 acres, the residents of the two villages started protesting on 14 January.
“Children were kicked around like footballs by the police and some even got hit by lathis,” says Prashant Paikray, spokesperson for an anti-POSCO outfit. Although the government claimed that the land acquisition, which started earlier this month, was peaceful, television footage showed state officials, including Land Acquisition Officer Sangram Mohapatra, hitting protesters with lathis.
The police action came as a surprise early on 3 February, though tension had been prevailing in the area for the past 20 days when about 200 policemen, later increased to 400, were stationed near the POSCO transit camp, 2 km away from Gobindpur village.
After dispersing the protesters, the police entered Gobindpur village and started destroying the betel vines, before going on a manhunt for anti-POSCO leaders like Abhaya Sahu and Manorama Khatua of the POSCO Pratirodh Sangram Samiti (PPSS).
According to SK Mallick, the district magistrate, “The land acquisition is continuing peacefully. The allegation of use of force is false. We just made our way to the villages to clear the betel vines of the people who are willing to leave the encroached government land and take compensation.” In three days, the government has cleared 40 betel vines and given a compensation of Rs 89 lakh.
Contrary to the government’s claim, Sabita Bardhan of Gobindpur village says, “They dismantled my betel vine against my wishes. I have not received any compensation and I will not accept it, even if they offer me any.” Dillip Parida, who received a compensation of Rs 2.27 lakh, says, “We have no options. In any case, they would have dismantled our vines. It is better that we take compensation and give away our land.”
An atmosphere of fear has been created by heavy deployment of police force.
Even though Bibhu Prasad Tarai, MP of Jagatsingpur, was present at the protest site on 3 February, and got a promise from the district magistrate for withdrawal of forces, the acquisition continued the following day under police watch. With no political leader seen in the village at the time of the alleged ‘forced-acquisition’, villagers claim they saw no option but to accept the inevitable. And an unrelenting DM claimed, “We have identified 400 betel vines to be cleared.”
Meanwhile, Ho Chan Ryu, Deputy Managing Director of POSCO-India says, “Our principles do not allow us to acquire land against the wishes of the people. To my knowledge, the people are willingly giving their land.”
Indeed, some people from Gobindpur did willingly give away their land and took compensation, though they are clueless about their future livelihood. Their hopes are pinned on the promise of jobs in the POSCO plant. The government has also promised to give Rs 2,250 every month as a stipend to the families until POSCO gives them a job. But the prospect seems unlikely, considering similar promises never materialised for the people in Gadakujang and Nuagaon panchayats who had earlier surrendered their land for the project.
While the people from Gadakujang and Nuagaon have given away their land and recieved compensation, the people from Gobindpur and Dhinkia villages have thwarted the administration’s attempt to acquire land. In May 2011, the locals resisted attempts to take over land with heavy deployment of police force by forming a human barricade, with children forming the front row lying down on the sand, followed by women, the elderly and men.
While the latest assault has been condemned by political parties in the state, Damodar Rout, minister for health and family welfare, says, “The POSCO project is for the benefit of the people. People want it. But some political parties with vested interests are opposed to it. After all, this is government land that the people have encroached upon. The government is taking its own land and yet giving compensation to the people. There is nothing unlawful about it.”
The use of force against unarmed people for land acquisition was condemned by the Opposition, including the Congress, BJP, CPI, SP, Forward Bloc, RJD and other parties. Jual Oram of the BJP says, “We condemn the use of force on people and the illegal land acquisition process.” Prasad Harichandan, senior leader and chief whip of the Congress party in the state, says, “The police atrocities on the women and children are uncalled for. The state administration must reach out to the people and resolve the issues.”
AS The fate of the project hangs in uncertainty with the environmental clearance suspended by the National Green Tribual in March 2012, the MoU signed between the state and POSCO, which expired in June 2011 is yet to be renewed.
Following the South Korean minister’s remarks, Union Commerce Minister Anand Sharma had informed the Koreans that the prime minister was personally monitoring the project. With pressure mounting on the state, the government was forced to send the police force to the area.
Basudev Mahapatra, a local journalist, says, “The CPI, which has provided leadership to the anti-POSCO movement, could have salvaged the situation. Even though it is an ally of the ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD), in a similar situation in May 2011, it had threatened to sever its ties with the BJD, and the government relented. But recently, the party declared its intention to contest the 2014 election as BJD’s ally. That could be the reason why the government dared to use force against people in Dhinkia.”
Abhaya Sahu says, “The government’s claim that the people are willingly giving land is false. I have signatures of 400 families from Gobindpur village who are not willing to cede their land.”
The leadership of the PPSS has decided that people will go in large numbers to the spot where betel vines are being destroyed and sit in protest. With things hotting up in the area, the road for confrontation between the protesters and the government seems to be opening wide.

Wednesday, January 23, 2013

Born to be bonded?

This piece was carried in Tehelka on 23rd January 2013.

Web link: http://tehelka.com/born-to-be-bonded/


Born to be bonded?


Dearth of work is forcing lakhs of families to seasonally migrate to other states in search of their livelihood. Here their children are forced to work as bonded labourers in the brick kilns, depriving them of their childhood, while the administration turns a blind eye
Photo by Pradeep Baisakh: Kamalini helps her mother in household work as younger sister Soudamini looks on

Poverty entails sacrifice. When resource availability is scarce, one has to sacrifice for others. Poor migrant labourers from the remote villages of Odisha face this predicament daily.
Kamalini Bangula, 18 dropped out of school just after she passed class 5. Marginal farmers Tapi and Tulusa Bangula, parents of Kamalini and two more children, could hardly provide two square meals to the whole family, forcing them to migrate out of the state to Hyderabad, Tirupati, Visakhapatnam and other places to work in brick kilns. Ten years back, when the family first migrated, Kamalini had no choice but to stay with her family to help with brick making. Her sacrifice however did not go in vain. Now she is paying for her younger sibling’s education, who study in class ten and three, out of her income. When the family moves out, these children would stay with their uncle (elder brother of Tapi) to continuing schooling. “Let my sister’s dream of becoming a teacher come true!” says Kamalini wishing all the success to her younger sister. This time they have taken 35,000 rupees from a middleman to work in a brick kiln in the Cuttack district of Odisha.
Hundreds of thousands of families from drought prone western part of the state seasonally migrate to other states in search of work, through a well entrenched and exploitative middlemen system, characterised by hefty advance payment and tacit bondage of labour. Dearth of work in villages forces them out. Child labour is implicit in brick kiln industries where most of these families work. This is how Urban India, that demands more bricks for its real estate boom, thrives at the cost of poor children from rural areas. Laws to ban child labour in hazardous industries and to ensure primary education to children between 6-14 years have hardly produced the desired impact. Child labour continues unabated. A study by International Labour Organisation (ILO) conducted with Aide Et Action India (AEAI) in 2011-12 in Balangir, Nuapada and Kalahandi districts of Odisha, finds that as many as 11 percent of the total migrants are children in the age group of 6-14, whose education has been guaranteed by the Right to Education Law, 2009. Estimates from various sources put the number of migrant workers at around 2.5 to 3 hundred thousand from the western Odisha districts alone, about 85 percent of whom migrate to other states (Source: ILO study, 2011-12). So the number of children in this age group could well be between 25,000 to 30,000. Has the state done enough to protect their right to education?
Initiatives have been taken jointly by the government and the civil societies to work out two models for the education of migrant children. One is to open seasonal hostels in the villages to house the children of migrating families when their parents are away and the other is to run work-site schools in the host states and teach children in their native language. The latter entails a strong inter-state arrangement where Odia teachers and text books are to be sent to Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, the states with the maximum influx of migrant Odia labourers. Although last year was a disaster for the state in opening such hostels, for the year 2012-13 it has allocated funds for retaining 5389 students. During my recent tour of the villages in Belpada block of Balangir district, I found some of the hostels doing reasonably well. But in many cases the hostels have simply not come though and several children have migrated from their villages. While in some cases they were opened quite late after several families had already migrated. Babejori village of Gudhighat panchayat under Muribahal block is a case in point. November to January is the peak season of migration. Hostels should have opened by the first week of November to retain children of migrant workers.
On the other hand, Andhra Pradesh, which has taken a giant leap in providing education to the migrant children, claims that it taught 6453 Odia migrant children in the year 2011-12. However due to a lack of proper coordination between the education departments of Odisha and Andhra Pradesh, the children could not get adequate Odia text books, although Odia teachers were made available. Sridhar Mether of Aide Et Action India, the NGO that partnered with the AP government in teaching migrant children says “We need to have different type of curriculum, which is more activity based, to keep the children involved.” The training of the migrant teachers and the quality of education remain a grey area. A willing Commissioner-cum-Secretary of Mass Education Department of Government of Odisha Ms Usha Padhee says “I understand that current inter-state arrangement to provide education to the Odia migrant children in other states is adhoc. We have made arrangements this time for timely delivery of text books in Andhra, Tamil Nadu and other states. They are our children. We are seriously pondering on having long term plans to ensure basic education of migrant children.”
Performance of the much hyped Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee scheme (MGNREGA) in these districts, aimed to check distress migration, can well be an example of how a well designed law can get off-track when it is implemented, if the politicians and bureaucrats lack the will. During the current financial year (April 2012 to January 2013), in Balangir district an average of 28 days of work has been provided to 61,500 families, which is one fourth of the total families having Job Cards in the district. In Nuapada district, 30 days of work has been provided to 27,600 families, which is one fourth of the total Job card holders. In financial terms, the families have got about 3600 rupees as wages under MGNREGA. The government expects to check the migration of these families by providing them with such paltry wages and that too with exorbitant delay in payment. On the other hand middlemen offer a sum of 35,000 rupees at a time to a single family before migration. Recently the state government has decided to provide 150 days of work under MGNREGA against the minimum limit of 100 days in these two districts. One wonders what difference it would make to the schemes performance. “Till the basic issues of providing employment in time of need and timely payment remain unaddressed, only increasing the number of days will not curb distressed migration” opines Rajkishor Mishra, the Odisha Advisor to Right to Food Commission of Supreme Court.
Brick kilns in the country are one of the biggest employers of child labour apart from cotton geneing, carpet industries, jari work, diamond polishing etc. Even though they are being educated, the children continue to work in the kilns at night. The labour department officials in AP remain tight-lipped on the issue of child labour in brick kilns. Umi Daniel, who has done pioneering work on the education of migrant children, says “One way to prevent child labour is to check the children at the source area. Strict enforcement of the anti-child labour laws in the worksites is a must to stop the menace.”
The author is a media fellow of National Foundation of India (NFI), New Delhi for the year 2012.

Childhood Burnt in Brick Kilns

This piece came in 'Political and Business Daily' on 11th November 2012



Childhood Burnt in Brick Kilns

Pradeep Baisakh

A mapping exercise undertaken in 2011-12 by Aide Et Action International (AEAI) and UNICEF in Bhubaneswar, Rourkera and Berhampur cities in house construction, stone crusher and brick kiln sectors found that as many as 84 percent children of school going age do not avail any school facility at the work place. Survey was conducted in 2011-12 in 423 worksites covering 4064 migrant families which captured 9107 children (0 to less than 18 years) in these worksites.

Prem Sai Barik, the son of Pramod Barik and Baijayanti Barik, was studying in class three in his village school in Surekela of Belpada block of Balangir district of Odisha when he migrated to Bhubaneswar, the state capital with parents in September 2011. His parents migrated in search of alternate employment owing to crop loss in village last year. He packed up his books in anticipation of joining a new school in Bhubaneswar. But his hopes were dashed against the walls of a brick kiln, which was miles away from the school.

Growing urbanization and fast expanding infrastructures in the cities of Odisha have drawn huge number unskilled and semi-skilled labourers from the rural pockets inside and outside the state. Labourers are in high demand in building construction, laying highways, digging drainage system, stone crushers, brick making, loading and unloading work so on and so forth.  While in some case single youth migrate to cities to work, in many case families come with their children to work. Some come and stay in the worksites for a longer period while others come for a shorter period or seasonally. Some sectors like brick kilns are season specific which operate for about eight months in a year. The units close their production in rainy days.

Most of the labourers come though the system of middlemen. They are promised of basic minimum amenities at the worksites, which they hardly get. The employers do not show adequate interest for investing on basic amenities and other labour welfare except probably the wages and scanty medical facilities. The children along with their parents adjust themselves in small temporary dwelling units located near the workplaces. The children who come with the parents normally help them in work as they hardly could avail any facility for education near the worksites.

A mapping exercise undertaken in 2011-12 by Aide Et Action International (AEAI) and UNICEF in Bhubaneswar, Rourkera and Berhampur cities in house construction, stone crusher and brick kiln sectors found that as many as 84 percent children of school going age do not avail any school facility at the work place. Survey was conducted in 2011-12 in 423 worksites covering 4064 migrant families which captured 9107 children (0 to less than 18 years) in these worksites. The percentage of children found is 51 percent of the total migrating population covered under the survey. Of the total children, 51 percent are male and 49 percent are female. Of these children, 47 percent come under the age group of 6-14, who are constitutionally entitled to free primary education under the newly enacted Right to Education law that came into force in August 2009.

The study suggests that as many as 41 percent of these children do not attend school in their villages itself! This fact is quite startling as children miss schools even when the same is available. Further study of this phenomenon suggest that many migrating parents do not find it easy to get their children attending schools in their villages as they stay out for a very long period. In brick kiln sector, the families stay in a particular work place from September/October to next year May/June. Rest time they generally stay in their own villages. This is typically seasonal. In construction sector, the families keep roaming from site to site. Once work is over in a particular building or road construction, the same or other contractor takes them to another site. This work goes on almost through out the year. And in stone crushers also work goes on through out the year. Labourers working in construction and stone crushers go to their native during festivals; otherwise they keep migrating from place to place in same or different cities and adapt to the local ambience. Advance payment is given to the families in brick kiln sector where money is taken also for the work of the children who are involved in molding and drying and carrying the bricks. Children above five years work in brick kiln sector. Advance payment system is generally absent in construction and stone crushers barring a few cases. Children above eleven years work in these sectors. In construction sector children carry the bricks and cement and in crushers they break stones.

In only few cases the migrant children are enrolled in the schools at worksites. Near Tapang area in Khurda district, some children who work in stone crushers are studying in the nearby NCLP (National Child Labour Project) schools. While the children of parent working in brick kilns in Balianta and Pipili areas near Bhubaneswar study in the nearby schools. But in all the cases the parents are staying in the area for more that two or three years.

There is not enough motivation for parents to educate their children as they do not see any immediate benefits from it. Even if they are admitted into the school system and continue attending the schools while in the village, the absence of the same facilities at the worksite deprive them of education for more than eight months a year for the children in brick kilns. For other sectors, they could hardly get to read while on wheels. Prioritisation of children’s education seems quite meaningless for them. Ratikant Behera, the researcher at AEAI says “I interacted with some children who were never enrolled into schools. When I asked why they are not going to schools, they just said that they are not interested.” This also shows that the children who are putting hard labour along with parents in the work places hardly draw any solace in taking extra burden of going to schools. Child labour therefore remains as of one of the major reasons for deprivation of children from education.

Sashank Kumar Padhi of ‘Save the Children’ that works on children’s education says “The onus is on the state government to fulfill the constitutional mandate protecting educational rights of the migrant children. A convergence of different line departments like education, labour and Panchaytiraj is pre-requisite for this to happen.”


Krishna Gopal Mohapatra, the Special Project Director (SPD) to Sarva Sikshya Aviyan (SSA), says “we are taking a series of measures to ensure education of migrant children coming from within the state.” SSA Odisha has issued orders to the District Project Coordinators (DPC) to identify the migrant children in different worksites who are eligible for primary education and link them to the nearby schools. It has also directed to the major source districts like Ganjam, Nuapada, Balangir and others to tentatively assess the number of migrant children at the source so that residential hostel facilities could be provided in the schools to keep the children of migrating parents during migration seasons.  

But not withstanding a host of government schemes and organised campaign by the NGOs and child rights activists, it is a matter if shame that childhood continues to be burnt in brick kilns.

…………
The author is a media fellow of National Foundation of India (NFI) for the year 2012. This article is written as part of the fellowship work. He can be reached though e mail: 2006pradeep@gmail.com