Thursday, June 13, 2013

Bricks or turmeric powder, women show they can do better than men

The piece came in 'Grassroots' June 15, 2013

Bricks or turmeric powder, women show they can do better than men


PRADEEP BAISAKH, Bhubaneswar


The self help movement in India has brought about entrepreneurship among rural women, which was not quite conventional earlier. With the guidance of civil society organisations, in many places in Odisha several women’s groups have proved to be performing entrepreneurs.

The women self-help group (SHG) members of Jerabanji village of Balangir district of Odisha took up the challenge to start unique entrepreneurship of running a brick kiln for self employment. Sarala SHG consisting ten members has been functioning in the area for seven years. Since last year they started making bricks with a modest investment. But at the end of the season the group made a handsome income of 1.4 lakh rupees. Ten women made and sold 70,000 bricks to the traders last year. Each got a sum of 14,000 rupees in just two months of effort. Initial finance for getting wood from the jungle and transporting them and purchasing the frame to mould bricks were met from the regular small monthly savings the women make to their SHG account.

This money was invested by the women in their children’s education, making houses and meeting daily household needs. “My son Suasant studies in intermediate. I purchased books and notes for him and borne upon his travel expenses from home to college from this income.” says a proud Bilasa Bhoi, President of the SHG. Similarly other members like Mula Dharua and Usha Dharua spent on their children education. Apart from selling the bricks, some women like Bilasa Bhoi and others made their own houses of their handmade bricks.

In the area brick kilns were operating for last some years by some local businessmen where the families of these women used to work. Some of the male members of these families also used to migrate out of state earlier. But this time around they took up the challenge onto themselves.  All the family members of the women worked in their own kilns. They sold their bricks to the local traders who sold them in the district market. The staff of the local NGO, Friends for Human Development (FHD) supported the women in making a good bargain with the traders. Had they been the labourers in other’s kiln, each of these women would have earned a wage of meagre 2200 making those many bricks.

There are some families in this remote village which migrate to other states like Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu to work in brick kilns. In fact Balangir district is infamous in sending migrant labourers to other states. This happens due to dearth of work in the villages. The families which migrate to other states to work have to go through severity of life and torture by the employers. This time a village women Bhagyabati Dharua, who went with her relatives to work in kilns in Secunderabad in Andhra Pradesh, was made to work for more than eighteen hours a day and was given paltry to meet her daily food expenses. Bhagyabati did not get any advance money nor any payment for her month’s work. Finally she and her group clandestinely flee from the place back to village.

In local brick kilns at least there is not harassment. “For us it is easy to have own brick kilns. We are not under any pressure to work stretched hours. Simultaneously when we are seeing our daily household chores, we mould bricks. The kiln is in the end of the village. We may stay near the site or stay in the our houses in the villages.” Says Bilasa Bhoi. Motivated with the last year’s success, this year also the women have again started moulding bricks and making their own kilns.

Women turn turmeric traders!


Women in the adjacent Boud district have become traders! Conventionally it is the domain of men in Odisha. The women members of the Nari Vikas Samavaya Ltd, a women cooperative have turned themselves to turmeric traders. Along with managing their daily household chores, the women in the cooperative prepare turmeric power for personal consumptions and they also sell it to the villagers. This unadulterated turmeric powder is also used in preparing the mid day meals for the students in the village schools.

In 2007 Youth Council for Development Alternative (YCDA), a local NGO facilitated the formation of a cooperative of women in two Panchayats in Khamanimunda and Khuntigura GP under Kantamal block of Boud district consisting 105 women. Out of them about 30 members are now quite active in the cooperative and each member saves some money every month in the account of the cooperative. In 2010 the NGO provided some financial support to start a grinding meal for grinding turmeric and wheat. “We then started purchasing raw turmeric from Baliguida market of neighbouring Kandhamal district and process them for making the powder.” Says Kavita Behera, President of the group. The women make their initial investment from the regular monthly group savings. The business provides employment to the women of the cooperative. They do not outsource any work. This is like a self employment unit. Two or three members are given the task to purchase turmeric. Another group of women may wash, dry and cut the turmeric into small pieces which could be grinded. A person is employed to run the meal. The powder are then formed into packets of different denominations with the brand name “Nari Vikas Samavaya Ltd”.  All the women who are involved in the purchasing and processing are given daily wages. The meal has been built on the land of a woman from the cooperative itself. She has opened a shop adjacent to the meal where she sells the product. She keeps some percentage of profit from the sell and rest goes to the group account. The group purchases about one to two quintals of turmeric each year with an investment of the range 15,000 to 30,000. The final product is sold with about 20 percent more rate than the raw material. “This is quite a modest rate. “But as this is quite a pure form of turmeric, our own cooperative women purchase them. Some neighbours also purchase. Now we are selling this product to six schools who use them in preparing mid day meals.” Boastfully say Savita. 

The product of the cooperative is not very competitive in the market as the market rate of turmeric powder is less than that of the cooperative’s product. Even then the villagers prefer the cooperative product due to its purity. In fact the ones sold in the open market are adulterated, say the locals. “The labour of women and the sale-ability of their produces need not be seen in the perspective of profits but with consumption. More than 100 families consume pure form of turmeric. And what’s more that their own children in the schools eat food cooked using this pure products . This is the success of the women in the cooperative” says Suresh Pradhan of the local NGO.

……………
Pradeep Baisakh is a Journalist based in Odisha, India and a media fellow of National Foundation of India (2012). His articles can be acessed at: http://pradeepbaisakh.blogspot.com/ . He can be contacted through email:2006pradeep@gmail.com.

Posco plant could be reality soon: land ‘grab’ to resume

This piece came in 'Governance Now' on April 10, 2013. 


Posco plant could be reality soon: land ‘grab’ to resume

Administration gears up even as women threaten nude protests

PRADEEP BAISAKH | BHUBANESWAR | APRIL 10 2013

Just 250 acres of additional land is required for the district administration of Jagatsingpur of Odisha from the area earmarked for Posco’s proposed steel and power plant to complete the acquisition of 2,700 acres of land, which is needed to begin work for the plant. The administration is gearing up to resume the land acquisition in the strategic Gobindpur village, considered to be the citadel of anti-Posco movement, as the latest assembly session ended on April 6.
The administration was able to break into the anti-Posco bastion and ‘capture’ 450 acres of land (government authorities claim to have acquired this much land) in two phases in February and March 2013. As many as 250 and 200 acres were acquired respectively in just three to four days of operation in each case. The administration preferred to take pause in the spree of acquisition process during the assembly sessions to stave off possibility of stormy debate in the house. Earlier 2,000 acres were already acquired from nearby Gadakujanga and Nuagaon panchayat. 

In fact, led by the economist-prime minister Manmohan Singh, the central government seems to have distanced itself from the basic constitutional premise of the ‘sovereignty’ of people. The fast-dwindling concept of “We the people of India…” has given way to a gradual control of foreign corporates over the Indian policymaking with Singh in the saddle. Tracking the government’s manoeuvres in implementation of the Posco project, tipped to be the biggest FDI in India, would provide some glimpse of the same. The proposed plant was to have a capacity of 12 mtpa and will pump in $12 billion in investment. However, the capacity has been reduced to 8 mtpa and accordingly the land requirement was truncated from 4,000 acres to 2,700 acres. 

On January 29, 2013 the South Korean knowledge and economy minister Sukwoo Hong during his visit to Agra expressed his worry about ‘tardy’ implementation of the project. To allay his fears, commerce and industry minister Anand Sharma told him that “prime minister Manmohan Singh is himself monitoring the project, which is followed by the prime minister’s office (PMO).” South Korea, it is understood, ‘categorically’ asked India to sort out the hurdle in way of the project.

The impact of the direction from the South Korean minister was felt just after four days in Gobindpur village on February 3 where police ruthlessly beat the women and children to make way for land acquisition. About 25 people were injured in the clash including children and old. Eventually on March 2 three protesters died after the blast of crude bombs in nearby Patana village. 

Sumit Chakravorty, editor of the Mainstream weekly, says, “I wonder how the FDI will help in development of the country and the people. In another 20 years all the mineral resources will be gone. The way things are going, the sovereignty of the nation seems to be at stake.

Insensitivity of Indian and foreign officials

In fact, led by the economist-prime minister Manmohan Singh, the central government seems to have distanced itself from the basic constitutional premise of the ‘sovereignty’ of people. The fast-dwindling concept of “We the people of India…” has given way to a gradual control of foreign corporate over the Indian policy making with Singh in the saddle. Tracking the government’s manoeuvres in implementation of the Posco project, tipped to be the biggest FDI in India, would provide some glimpse of the same. The proposed plant was to have a capacity of 12 mtpa and will pump in $12 billion in investment. However, the capacity has been reduced to 8 mtpa and accordingly the land requirement was truncated from 4,000 acres to 2,700 acres. 

On January 29, 2013 the South Korean knowledge and economy minister Sukwoo Hong during his visit to Agra expressed his worry about ‘tardy’ implementation of the project. To allay his fears, commerce and industry minister Anand Sharma told him that “prime minister Manmohan Singh is himself monitoring the project, which is followed by the prime minister’s office (PMO).” South Korea, it is understood, ‘categorically’ asked India to sort out the hurdle in way of the project.

The impact of the direction from the South Korean minister was felt just after four days in Gobindpur village on February 3 where police ruthlessly beat the women and children to make way for land acquisition. About 25 people were injured in the clash including children and old. Eventually on March 2 three protesters died after the blast of crude bombs in nearby Patana village.

Sumit Chakravorty, editor of the Mainstream weekly, says, “I wonder how the FDI will help in development of the country and the people. In another 20 years all the mineral resources will be gone. The way things are going, the sovereignty of the nation seems to be at stake.”

The three deaths were not a deterrent for the state to resume land acquisition. The administration went ahead with its plan and resumed it on March 3. None of the officials however visited the families of the deceased for some days. When contacted for comment, district collector SK Mallick said, "We were on the spot today but no one came to meet us. And why would I meet the criminals? There are criminal cases against two of the people who have died!” However, the police allegedly have indiscriminately filed criminal cases against the protesters. PTI news agency reported that about 2,500 cases have been clamped against the villagers in last eight years of protest and nearly seventy cases against Abhay Sahoo, the leader of PPSS.

The ambassador of South Korea to India, Kim Joong Keun, met chief minister Naveen Patnaik on March 6 and requested him to give further push to the project. The envoy said, "If possible, I would like to see our president and your chief minister launch this mega project." He however did not say a single word about the people who died in the blast just four days before his meet with the CM.

Strategic advantage for police, PPSS on defensive 

Resistance to the first phase of acquisition on February 3 continued and the use of force was widely condemned by all and sundry. Several politicians from the state capital visited and expressed solidarity with the protestors. D Raja, national secretary of the Communist Party of India (CPI), also came down to Gobindpur from New Delhi. His party has been providing leadership to the anti-Posco movement from the beginning. Despite people’s demand for the police to leave Gobindpur village, the police did not wind up its two camps where about 15-20 police personnel have been staying all the time. The rest of the force was staying near a transit camp about three kilometres away from the village.

Earlier, since Balitikira, the entry point of the village, was under the control of the villagers, police could never enter Gobindpur village in the last eight years. Last time in May 2011, when police attempted to enter the village, children lied down on hot sand at Balitikira to block their entry. The protesters clung on to the strategic location as pressure mounted severely on the administration to withdraw police force then. But this time, after capturing that strategic point and establishing camps in the village, the police never budged to the demands of leaders from opposition parties to leave the village during even the lull period taking the plea of protecting law and order in the village. Two camps still exist in the village.

The strategy and response of the political parties, particularly the CPI, seemed not to be very intense this time; unlike in May 2011 when a similar situation had arisen. Then, as some policemen strayed into the agricultural land of people to dismantle the betel vines, leaders of five-party conglomerate (CPI, CPM, Samajwadi party and Rashtriya Janata Dal and other parties) sat down on the spot where betel vines were dismantled forcing the police to return. At one point when the situation was worsening due to the continued police presence in the place, CPI leader Narayan Reddy categorically asked Patnaik to withdraw force from the area, which had moral pressure on the government as CPI was an alliance partner of the ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD) in the 2009 general elections. Due to the mounting pressure, police had to withdraw itself from Balitikira.

But this time, when police were acquiring land in Gobindpur, the party leadership was away in nearby Dhinkia village. The political leaders who came from Bhubaneswar would only make a superficial gesture of solidarity to people. People in Gobindpur did not get immediate support of the leadership and gave away land out of fear. The leadership came to directly confront police at the spot after four days, but by then the administration had acquired 250 acres.

Bibhu Praasad Tarai, the local MP from CPI who sided with protesters on the first day of acquisition, was not seen during the rest of the days. Clarifying on a possible alliance with BJD in 2014 general election, Tarai said, “an electoral alliance with BJD and our fight against the Posco project in Dhinkia are different matters.” But in a surprising statement, he said, “we would not mind if the project is shifted to a place just two kilometres away from Dhinkia.” Many anti-Posco activists saw this as an appeasement to Patnaik as this was not in sync with the stand of PPSS which demands complete scrapping of the project from the area.

CPI's compulsions 

There are electoral compulsions for CPI to resume is ties with BJD ahead of the general election in 2014. Both in 2004 and in 2009 the party had faced the situation of losing its national party status. CPI has only 4 seats in the present (15th) Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament), one of them is from Jagatsingpur district of Odisha, which it won due to alliance with the ruling BJD. Insiders of the party say “Voter base and winning a MP seat and some MLA seats from Odisha in coming elections could have significance toward the continuity of national party status of CPI.”. Importance of Odisha for CPI was reflected in its decision to hold its national executive meeting in Bhubaneswar in January 2013 where its general secretary A B Bardhan strongly hinted toward alliance with BJD in 2014 state and general (Lok Shabha) elections.

Alliance seems necessary toward strengthening the possibility of emergence of a non-Congress and non-BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) force in the national politics in 2014 general election. If Naveen is not taken into the fold of possible ‘third front’ there is possibility that he will go with its former long term ally, BJP. These are the reasons why CPI may be trying to keep Naveen in good humour.

“Even though on ground CPI supports the anti-Posco movement, over ground it has gone openly with the party which is advocating for Posco. It is sheer double standard. CPI’s strength in Odisha lies in its leadership taking up people’s issues. Preferring electoral politics over people’s interest would be counter-productive for the party in the long run,” says Basudev Mahapatra, senior journalist.

Raja of CPI evaded the question on a possible alliance with BJD. He said, “we are open to form an alliance with non-BJP and non-Congress parties, but things vary from place to place. I will have to speak to my party collages in Odisha before giving any opinion on the possibility of alliance. I do not have updated information on that.”

Questionable legal basis

The environment clearance granted to the project by the ministry of environment and forests (MoEF) was suspended by the national green tribunal (NGT), a statutory body, in March 2012. Acquiring land for the project after that is illegal, according to experts. Meanwhile, the MoU between the company and the Odisha government expired in June 2010 and has not been renewed yet. So, why acquire land?

Nude protest, the only option left? 


On March 7, some women lodged a semi-nude protest against the forceful land grabbing by police. PPSS has declared that the women from three villages under Dhinkia panchayat would make a nude protest en masse in case the government resumed land acquisition with use of force.

Tanu Das, an elderly woman, says, “We are left with no other option as the government has not heeded our democratic protests and instead indiscriminately used force against us. All mothers will make a nude protest if the government dares to take away our land.” Now it depends on the central and state governments and the political parties opposing or supporting the project if they wish to protect the dignity of Indian women or succumb to the pressure of global capital! 
.........
Baisakh is an Odisha-based freelance journalist and National Foundation of India (NFI) media fellow of 2012.

Towards upping the ante

This piece came in 'The Hindu'-Periscope on 5th April 2013

Web link: http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/towards-upping-the-ante/article4583083.ece

Towards upping the ante


PRADEEP BAISAKH

Decentralising ration procurement in Odisha’s anganwadis has yielded better results


Flexibility for anganwadis: Effect of decentralisation.Photo: Pradeep Baisakh

Following the Rs. 700 crore pulses scam in Odisha in January 2011, the State government decided to decentralise the procurement of all the items in the supplementary nutrition programme (SNP) under the Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) and the Mid Day Meal programme in schools, with the exception of rice which is supplied by the Food Corporation of India.
Two years since, the decision has brought colours in the villages. In the Kakringia anganwadi centre (in Kasinipur gram panchayat under Phiringia block) in the tribal-dominated Kandhamal district, about 10 children in the age group of 3-6 years arrive in the morning and stay till noon. In the morning, they receive snacks and have a hot cooked meal for lunch — both following the standard menu developed by the WCD Department.

Asked if they get a stomach full of food at the anganwadi, the senior children nodded in affirmative. They get vegetables and eggs regularly as per norms. The anganwadis are also tasked with providing ‘Take Home Ration’ (THR) for children in six months to three years group, for pregnant and lactating mothers and for severely undernourished children. Damayanti Kahanra, a pregnant woman from Babdingia village under Phiringia block, says she has been getting two packets of ground cereals every month.

Under the new dispensation, joint accounts have been opened in the name of the anganwadi worker and the ward member of the village who will purchase the ration. “This has fixed accountability on the anganwadi workers which they cannot escape. Therefore the delivery is better,” says Rajkishor Mishra, State Advisor to Supreme Court Commission on Right to Food. The new system has dispensed with the contractor system which was a source of corruption. Odisha became one of the first States to implement the standing order of the Supreme Court to ban contractors in ICDS. The ground cereals are procured from local SHGs, thus providing rural women with entrepreneurial opportunities.

A study conducted by the Voice for Child Rights Organisation (VCRO), a civil society organisation working for children, in December 2011 in seven districts on the functioning of decentralised procurement shows that deliveries have improved in quality and regularity under the ICDS. Fifty seven per cent of the surveyed beneficiaries said that their children are getting regular cooked meals as per the menu chart; 58 per cent said that cooked food given under SNP is sufficient; 60 pre cent said the morning snacks is as per norms; 87 per cent said that they have received dry ration regularly and as per norms. In 65 per cent cases, the standard menu chart is displayed in the anganwadi centres.

“Earlier there was delay in delivery of ration and rice near us. We could hardly give some lentils and rice to the children. However with money coming directly to our hands, we are trying to give best to the children,” says an anganwadi worker in Nuapada district.

In Odisha, 71,000 anganwadi centres benefit about 45 lakh people, including children under 6 years and pregnant and lactating women. As per official figures, in 2012-13, Rs. 625 crore was released under the decentralised procurement process in SNP to the anganwadi centres and block levels. Apart from food, the government also provides uniforms for the students and books.

However, there is a complete mismatch between cost norms and nutrition norms. On an average, Rs. 2.33 is spent toward the food of each child excluding rice. This is too meagre in view of the inflationary trend in food prices. The rate has not been revised for last five to six years. Secretary of the WCD Department, Arati Ahuja, says, “This amount is actually less but we have been able to manage due to localisation of purchase as this keeps the purchase cost low. Locally available seasonal vegetable and pulses could be procured keeping calorie requirement in mind. We have not fixed price for each item and we have made it a weekly costing system to give flexibility to the anganwadi worker to manage within the overall cost.”

(The writer is a journalist based in Odisha and a media fellow of National Foundation of India [2012])