Sunday, July 24, 2011

Are Micro Finanace Institutions driving defaulters to the depths of despair?

The piece came in GRASSROOTS in July 2011 issue

Are Micro Finanace Institutions driving defaulters to the depths of despair?

The term ‘collection agent’ is often used in a pejorative sense. However, in Orissa, a new low seems to have been reached , with micro finance institutions, in stead of empowering women and alleviating poverty threatening defaulting borrowers to into submission

Pradeep Baisakh, Bhubaneswar

Belonging to a Micro Finance Institution dragged Nirupama Nayak, a 35-year-old woman staying in Salia Sahi slum of Bhubaneswar (Capital of Odisha), rebuked her in filthy language in front of her neighbors, roughed her up and locked her house. The incidence took place in last year when Nirupama failed to repay the installment. She had taken a loan to build her house. A humiliated Nirupama poured kerosene and attempted to commit suicide by setting herself on fire. She was, however, stopped from doing so by neighbours.

“I had taken a loan of 12, 000 from a micro finance institution for starting a small business. As my business did not do well, I could not meet the high interest rate demanded. One executive from the micro finance institution used slang and his boys physically assaulted me” alleges Malati Nayak, a resident of Sarankula, Bhubaneswar.
A leader addressing a rally of women Self Help Group members demonstrating againt micro finance institutions

“Are you such a shameless woman? Had I been in your place, I would have committed suicide!” screeched a agent belonging to a micro finance institution at Babi Parida of Maa Shakti Self Help group in Panchrida village, Nayagarh district. Babi, who had taken a farm loan of Rs 10000, was unable to repay because her crop failed.

Several such complaints are pouring in from almost all Orissa’s 30 districts, drawing the focus on how the much hyped micro finance institutions are being run. The institutions are supposed to empower women and alleviate poverty, but, ironically on many occasions borrowers have attempted suicide and, sadly, some have succeeded.

It may be naïve to consider the behavior of the office bearers of some micro finance institutions as just an expression of anger. The real intention could well be made out if one analyses the insurance linkage of every loan disbursed under the scheme. Under the scheme, insurance cover is also provided for the life of the person availing the loan. In case of her death, the insured money is given to the family, but after balance installments are deducted. Therefore suicides and deaths ensure recovery of the loan amount.

When the person taking loan becomes insolvent, the insurance cover comes in handy for the institutions. In other words, the borrowers who turn defaulter are driven to depth of despair, to suicide. One may be skeptical on such a horrendous linkage, but given the number of suicide cases reported in the state owing to the borrowing from micro finance institutions, it is difficult to throw away the premise altogether.

In Orissa, micro finance institutions have mushroomed in the state in absence of the proper banking network, particularly in the rural areas. The institutions are doing good business with the success almost percolating to grassroots. There are about 30-35 such institutions operating in the state, most of whom function as NGOs. They operate like non-profit organisations, but make huge profit by charging high interest. In the past four years (2006-2010) the institutions have lent Rs 1500 crore, covering 20 lakh customers, the rate of return being 95 percent.

Even though the annual rate of interest chargeable by micro finance institutions has been fixed in the range of 15-28 percent by State Level Banking Committee (SLBC), the real rate of interest varies from 30 to 35 percent. Some institutions allegedly charge up to 60 percent. In the case of Babi, she was given a loan of Rs 10,000 with Rs 1550 being deducted at source citing insurance cover, registration charges etc. She had to pay a Rs 225 every week for 50 weeks. That means for an effective loan of 8500, she has to pay 11,250 in 50 weeks in installments; the interest rate thus hovers around 32-percent mark.

The micro finance institutions use all possible coercive methods to recover the loan installments. They include causing physical and metal humiliations. Sai Prasan, an expert on financial matters, says “Banks give loan to the costumers at 10 percent interest, but micro finance institutions charge more than 30 percent.”

The institutions avail loan from banks at the rate of 12-15 percent. They, however say that they adhere to all norms and guidelines laid down by RBI and SLBC. Bijay Pandia, Branch manager of a micro finance institution says “We charge 1.03 percent interest rate per month and do not use any coercive method for loan recovery”

Devinder Sharma, a critic of micro finance institutions say “If any of us takes loan at least at the rate of 24 percent annual with weekly repayment of installment, s/he will fall in to BPL category in some years.”

Last year in Balasore district a farmer committed suicide owing to his inability to repay a loan. Similar such cases of suicides have poured from various parts of the state. Although the government came out with the figure of 46 farmer suicide cases which occurred in 2009-10 to 2010-11, the real number is quite high. “Farmers borrow from micro-finance organizationsthe money-lenders and of course from the banks. The cases of the farmers committing suicides owing to non-payment of installments to the micro finance institutions are much more than the other two categories.” Says Sai Prasan

A sub committee of State Level Banking Committee (SLBC) was formed in November 2010 by the government to look into the regulatory aspects of the micro finance institutions.

As early as in 2006 such a sub-committee was formed but with no impact. The micro finance institutions seem to have been given a free run in every nook and corner of the state to bring people into debt trap. People have even sought multiple loans from different micro finance institutions. A new loan is taken to repay the installment of an old one.

The Andhra government recently brought an ordinance regulating the micro finance institutions, owing to large-scale instances of suicide by borrowers. The state government of Odisha is yet to take such a measure, although it has written to the central government urging for a comprehensive legislation regulating the functioning of such institutions.



The Odisha government wants to bring Bt Cotton to Kalahandi

The interview came in Tehelka on on 18th July 2011


The Odisha government wants to bring Bt Cotton to Kalahandi

P Sainath, Rural Affairs Editor, The Hindu and 2007 Magsaysay award winner, shares with Pradeep Baisakh his views on the POSCO project, Odisha farmers’ suicides and the National Food Security Bill


P Sainath, Rural Affairs Editor, The Hindu (Photo by Abhisek Pande)

You have visited Odisha quite often. How, in your view, has it changed in the last 20 years?

Inequalities have increased massively. Earlier, we used to hire jeeps which were falling apart. Today, to go to Kalahandi, you have Innovas, Scorpios, Safaris. And in the same place there are people who have pledged their crop until 2015 to moneylenders.


Kalahandi’s problem is exploitation even today. Odisha’s per capita food production is higher than the national average for last 30-40 years and Kalahandi’s per capita food production is higher than the state, but people do not know that. Now, that very secure and very diverse food base is being destroyed. I hear the Odisha government wants to bring Bt cotton to Kalahandi. Bt will drink up the water. It will be a wonderful bonanza for the seed companies, a few traders and 10-12 big farmers. Everybody else will suffer.


The state has shifted its base – now it is just a depository of raw materials and minerals. The character and richness of the state has been reduced to being the playground of the extractive industries. That is the difference.


You visited the proposed POSCO area in Jagattsingur, then Kalinganagar, then Gopalpur: it’s like a going backward in the history of industrialisation and displacement in Odisha. What did you find?

In 1997, the government first acquired almost 3,800 acres in Gopalpur. It gave people Rs one lakh compensation per acre, said that there will be a steel plant and every family will get a job. Nobody got jobs and there is no steel plant now. The state government has declared it will not even try to make a steel plant, instead it has got ‘in principle’ approval for an SEZ. The land now costs Rs 40 lakh an acre. At the end of the day, there is no obligation to give any jobs! Those villagers there who fought it out and did not give their land are in much better position today than those who were supposed to be helped by the project.


In Kalinganagar, it’s a very, very bad situation. Over so many years of isolation and criminalisation, people have been broken. Every now and then one more family gives in. They are not happy with it nor are they doing it voluntarily, they are not just able to cope any more. Those who had large houses with lots of space for livestock have been shifted to box houses in the rehabilitation colony. The government says that’s what they chose to build, as if this does not depend on how much money has been given for house construction. There is neither factory nor any meaning job except some training given to people.


In the proposed POSCO area is some of the most profitable farming I have seen. Social activist Jagdish Pradhan and I spoke to a lot of farmers and calculated, taking note of the input cost, that one betel farm over one-tenth of an acre earns a profit Rs 1.5-2 lakh. That is actually a stunning return, and these are ordinary people.


One of the farmers we spoke to has three acres. He spent Rs 10 lakh on his four children’s education and is building a house with Rs 9 lakh. Also, in the last 10 years, betel leave prices have shot up—what used to be Rs 15-20 per 1,000 leaves is now about Rs 1,000. So they are doing pretty well. Where is the demand for jobs? Rather, there is a demand for labour. That place, I am willing to assert, has the highest wage rate in Odisha, Rs 200 plus a meal, higher than wages that construction workers get in Bhubaneswar. If you are doing skilled work like manure application, or tying and untying creepers it’s Rs 400-500 rupees a day plus a meal. Put together the average wages is about Rs 250 a day that is twice the MGNRGEA rate in Orissa, which is Rs 125.


So you are going to destroy something that exists, where employment has been created by the people themselves, in exchange for something that Gopalpur and Kalinganagar show might never come.


But if enough compensation is given, are you still against the acquiring of farmland?

Suppose I say, a huge development project involves destruction of Taj Mahal and Gateway of India, but the compensation is adequate. What sort of argument is that? People sometimes want to sell their land, I agree. But you do not make them sell at the point of the gun. You do not beat them, raid them and isolate them in their villages when they refuse to sell. In case of Gopalpur, Tatas will make money renting out plots to other companies in the industrial park. Why could that money not gone to people themselves?


What about the Land Acquisition Bill? You must be closely following developments on that front.

I am not so excited about the Bill. One, is it the job of the state to transfer resources from ordinary people to a handful of private people? By this you are narrowing the base of ownership of resources in this country. Second, it stinks of corruption. You need to check on the assets of every major officer involved.


Talking of resources, why should you give away 600 million tonnes of iron ore to POSCO at a fraction of the international price? Our new royalty law is better, but fixed on the domestic price, not the international price. So you are allowing a loot and plunder of precious resources, mindless of environmental consequences and calling it development! The younger generation does not want to be in agriculture only because we have made agriculture pathetic.


We did not hear of farmers’ suicides in Odisha earlier. What change has occurred in the state to bring them about?

Farmers’ suicide in the eastern belt are considerably less than in other parts which have opted for cash crops fed mostly by chemical fertiliser, hybrid seeds and Bt seeds. In eastern India, the people still are dependent on food crops. But Odisha too is gradually adopting the cash crop model. The situation will worsen, for the planning model is to promote cash crops, mostly for export.


What’s your reaction to the draft legislation prepared by the National Advisory Council (NAC) on National Food Security which does not advocate universal PDS?

I differ. Food, healthcare, education and decent work should be universalised. It’s incorrect to think that universal PDS is not possible or difficult as ‘leakage’ takes place. Kerala has already shown the way. Functioning of PDS improved in Tamil Nadu as it moved towards universalisation.

People say journalists should be impartial, they should not be activists. But when we see you, the journalist and activist merge.

I do not see it that way— I see myself as a reporter. If I were an activist, I would be organising.

In any society, if you go against the dominant ideology, you will be branded. If you write about POSCO, or about any dam or any other project, you will be called an activist if you write about the affected people.

There was this Brazilian priest who said, “When I give food to the poor they call me a saint, when I ask why the poor are hungry, they call me a communist.”


Pradeep Baisakh is a Freelance Journalist based in Odisha. He has extensively written on issues relating to MGNREGA, Industrialisation and displacement, Forest and environment, Right to Information, migration etc. E mail: 2006pradeep@gmail.com

With inputs from Kedar Mishra and Abhisek Pande

Clearing Forests and People in Odisha

The piece came in Counter Punch, a leading Journal of United States on 15th July 2011


Why the POSCO Project is Illegal

Clearing Forests and People in Odisha

By PRADEEP BAISAKH


While granting final forest clearance ( http://www.environmentportal.in/files/Posco-final-orders-02052011.pdf ) to the POSCO project on 2nd May 2011 in the Indian state of Odisha, Jairam Ramesh, Minister of Environment and Forest, Govt of India and the much touted new green hero of the day, said “Faith and trust in what the state government says is an essential pillar of cooperative federalism.” And, he goes by the words of the state government apparently forgetting that it’s the ‘Rule of Law’ that guides the centre-state relationship, not ‘faith and trust’. The minister, who acted quite un-green in approving the project, should have been little more vigilant in believing the vague terminologies invoked by the state government like ‘faith and trust’ while there are recorded evidences of malafide by state government in furnishing false information, particularly on settlement of Forest Rights Claims in the area, to the central government.


POSCO project


On June 22, 2005 Pohang Steel Company (POSCO), a large South Korean corporation, signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Government of Odisha. This understanding outlined POSCO’s proposal to invest $12 billion ( around 54 thousand crores in Indian rupees) and plan to build a 12 Million Tonne Per Annum ( MTPA) integrated steel plant, captive port and mines in Erasama block of Jagatatsinghpur district. This is tipped as the highest FDI to India. 4004 acres of land is required for establishing the project of which about 2900 acres are forest land and the rest are private land. In addition to this, land for a railways, road expansion and mine development are also to be provided. The MoU was however valid for five years, which stands expired now. Renewed MoU is yet to be signed as both the parties are in final stage of negotiation on clinching out the nitty-gritty of the MoU. The people of the area have been opposing the project from the beginning.


Palli Sabha resolutions ignored


The first and foremost issue is relating to Palli Sabha (Palli Sabha is the assembly adults of a revenue village which is synonymous to the generic term Gram Sabha) resolutions of the Dhinkia (held on 21st February 2011) and Gobindpur (23rd February 2011) villages under Dhinkia Village Panchayat (Village Panchayat is the lowest elected body in India), which dismissed the diversion of forest land to the project. (Three Village Panchayats are to be affected by the project; they are Dhinkia, Nuagaon and Gad Kujang) These resolutions were sent to the Minister by the anti-project outfit POSCO Pratirodha Sangram Samiti (PPSS). In his order the Minister relied on the fact submitted by the state government, given in response to the resolution, that resolutions were signed by some 69 out of 3445 voters in Dhinkia village and by 64 out of 1907 voters in Gobindpur village. This lacked the quorum, argued the state government. (The quorum under Forest Rights Act (FRA) mandates presence of two third of total voters of the village in the Palli Sabha meeting). However in reality in case of Dhinkia Palli Sabha resolution the numbers of signatures are 1632 and in case of Gobindpur it is 1265. Prashant Paikrai, the spokes-person of the outfit says “We had faxed only two pages of the resolution to MoEF but the complete copy was sent to both the MoEF and state government by registered post. The state government has lied on the number of signatures backing the resolutions. Still unfortunate is that Jairam Ramesh also accepted it unquestioned. The facts have now been presented before the High Court in a petition.”


Apart from the ground of quorum, the state government also has raised the issue of power of the Sarpanch (Elected head of a Gram Panchayat) to convene a Palli Sabha. In the response to the issue the state government has stated “Two resolutions purported to have been passed by the Palli Sabha are not available in the book (recorded by the gram panchayat secretary and signed by the Sarpanch) and are therefore fake ones”. MoEF also purportedly analysed various provisions of Orissa Gram Panchayat Act, Forest Rights Act and Rules and came to the conclusion that the resolutions are not valid documents. Many legal experts do not agree to the conclusion of the state and central government. In fact, the Odisha Chief Secretary’s order on 4th February 2009 states that when the Forest Rights Committee in a village wishes to present its findings there is no need to wait for any government decisions to convene any Palli Sabha and the ward member and Sarpach have to be impressed upon the need to hold the Palli Sabha. In the records relating to the aforesaid resolutions, the Panchayat Secretary writes that he could have not attained the meeting as there is no government order for him to attend. While in genuineness the Panchayat Secretary is guilty of violation of provisions for not attending the meet, to suit to its agenda the state government has suspended the Sarpanch of Dhinkia Panchayat Sisir Mohapatra for what it termed as ‘over-stepped his jurisdiction’. Legal expert Prasant Jena opines “Suspension of a democratically elected Sarpanch in such instance amounts to misuse of power by the state government”.


Irrespective of the technicalities involved, what is clearly visible here is the substantive aspect of the FRA has been relegated by the procedural aspects. The substance is that majority of people there opposed the diversion of forest land for the POSCO project. In fact the current acquisition of forest land by the state government for purpose of diversion has also not been backed by any Palli Sabha resolution which is mandatory under section 4 (5) of the law and the MoEF guideline dated 30 July 2009 . So it’s a legal violation which is now being contested in the High Court. The state government however is of the opinion that since there are no tribals and other traditional forest dwellers (OTFDs) (OTFDs are non-tribals dependent on forests), no such resolutions are needed!


Earlier in February 2010, Palli Sabhas in Dhinkia, Govindpur and Nuagaon villages were convened on the direction of the District Collector and passed resolution rejecting the forest diversion proposals for the project. All these resolutions however have been disrespected while final clearance was granted to the project by the Minister.


Claims under FRA not settled


The state government has been contending that there are no tribals and other traditional forest dwellers (OTFDs) in the area. This is factually incorrect. 2001 census itself shows there are 23 tribals in Polang village under Kujang Tehsil. Polang is one among the villages which is covered under the proposed project.

Photo: Survey of India map showing existence of forest in Dhinkia, Nuagaon, Gada Kujang in 1928-29


Under the definition, people living in the area and dependent on forest for three generations or 75 years prior to 13th December 2005 will be considered to be OTFDs. The state government claims that there was no forest in the area earlier. Only in October 1961 it was declared as forest under the Indian Forest Act. So the people living there could not have been dependent for 75 years on ‘Forest’. This negates the possibility of anyone falling under the category of OTFDs. Contrary to the government’s claim however, the map of Survey of India shows that as early as in 1928-29 the area was a forest land under Cuttack district (See Pic). (Jagatsingpur district was part of former undivided Cuttack district). Madhu Sarin, a renowned expert on forest issues, rubbishes the linkage of period of notification of forest to claims under FRA. She says “Under FRA the definition of forest includes all kinds of forest e.g. unclassified forests, reserved forests, existing or deemed forest, wild sanctuaries, national parks etc. It does not say that it should be notified in such and such year. If that has been the case then large parts of Odisha are not forest land as a large chunk of land in scheduled areas were notified as reserved and protected areas after independence.”


Records show existence of traditional forest dwellers


A record of rights of Giridhari Bardhan of Govindpur village is provided here collected from survey and settlement manual 1927 (Document available). In fact in his letter in August 2010, Dr N C Saxena, Chairperson of FRA monitoring committee constituted by MoEF and MoTA (Ministry of Tribal Affairs, GoI), has written to Jairam mentioning about ten documents providing the proof of existence of OTFDs in the area.


Saxena wrote in no uncertain terms that there was violation of Forest Rights Law in proposed POSCO area by the state government. Majority members of the POSCO review committee (Headed by Ms Meena Gupta) held that there was gross violation of environmental laws, fabrication of evidence, perpetuation of forest rights violations and suppressing facts relating to the Costal Regulation Zone (CRZ). They even recommended prosecution of the authorities who had violated the provisions of the Forest Rights Act (FRA) and other environmental laws.


Ignoring all the evidence of violation of laws the Environment Minister gave approval to the project. Not surprisingly, just after four days of final approval to POSCO, the Minister said on record that he is forced to regularise illegalities many a times!


The ongoing period in the area is witnessing unprecedented stand off between the administration and the people with heavy deployment of police force on one and people sitting in Dharanas (protest demonstrations) on the other. While some of the lands have been acquired by administration after the approval from MoEF, it is facing stiff resistance from people in Dhinkia and Gobindpur villages.


Pradeep Baisakh is a freelance journalist based in Odisha (An Indian State) . He can be contacted through e mail: 2006pradeep@gmail.com

War Zone In Proposed POSCO Project Area

The piece was carried in Counter Currents on 14th July 2011 and in Delhi Talks on 3rd August 2011


War Zone In Proposed POSCO Project Area


By Pradeep Baisakh
14 July, 2011

Countercurrents.org


Children in Dharana (Photo by Pradeep Baisakh)

By providing the environment and forest clearance to the 52,000 crore ($12 billion) POSCO project in Jagatsingpur district of Orissa, the much touted Green Minister of India Jairam Ramesh (He has been recently made the Rural development Minister) knowing or unknowingly opened the road for possible bloodshed in the area. Last some days have witnessed how the state administration has been unperturbed in its resolve to acquire land in the area to be handed over to the POSCO Company for establishing the steel cum power plant despite insurmountable resistance of the local inhabitants.

About the project

On June 22, 2005 Pohang Steel Company (POSCO), a large South Korean corporation, signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Government of Orissa. This understanding outlined POSCO’s proposal to invest $12 billion ( around 54 thousand crores in Indian rupees) and plan to build a 12 Million Tonne Per Annum ( MTPA) integrated steel plant, captive port and mines in Erasama block of Jagatatsinghpur district. This is tipped as the highest FDI to India. 4004 acres of land is required for establishing the project of which about 2900 acres are forest land and the rest are private land. In addition to this, land for a railways, road expansion and mine development are also to be provided. The MoU was however valid for five years, which stands expired now. Renewed MoU is yet to be signed as both the parties are in final stage of negotiation on clinching out the nitty-gritty of the MoU.

Stiff resistance to land acquisition process

After getting the ‘go ahead’ from the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF), GoI on 2nd May 2011, (link of the final order http://www.environmentportal.in/files/Posco-final-orders-02052011.pdf ) the state administration focussed acquiring land in (from 18th May 2011) in Polang , Noliasahi and Bhuyanpal etc villages under Gadkujang and Nuagaon Panchayats where most people barring some were persuaded and threatened to hand over their land in lieu of compensation. Betel vines, the major source of livelihood of the people in the area, were pulled down by the administration. Armed police dragooned the people who opposed the government and took into custody 17 people including some 6 children (later released after they signed in a plain paper) for what government said ‘obstructing the government operation’. Basu Behera, the Panchayat Samiti member of Gadkujang Panchayat and vice President of PPSS (POSCO Pratirodha Sangram Samiti), the outfit opposing the project bled owing to the police attack. The administration allegedly engineered infighting between the pro- and anti-POSCO groups where the pro-POSCO people to burnt down the betel vines of Natha Samal, the PPSS member from Nuagaon village.

The police faced unprecedented resistance from people when it attempted to enter the Govindpur village under Dhinkia Panchayat, its next target, which is considered to be the bastion of PPSS. 20 platoon armed police force were deployed to tackle the situation and the District Magistrate Narayan Jena and Superintendent of Police Debadutta Singh were personally present to supervise the operation. More than 3000 people formed human chain and lied down on ground at the entry point to the village (during first half of June 2011). Manjulata Dalai of Govindpur village, who was sitting in Dharana, says “If the land goes to the company, we will die anyway. It is better to die now in pursuit of protecting our land than dying after losing the land”. In a novel method about 600 children formed the frontal barricade and prostrated on the hot sand preventing the entry of police to their villages. While administration cried foul over the use of children in the struggle claiming it to be violation of child rights, the villagers apparently had no option left but to take help of the children to protect their homeland. Priyanka Dalai, a girl reading in 5th class, who sat on Dharana said “We will not leave our land. We will protect it at any cost”. The district administration had gone on record saying that they could use force to acquire land. The situation looked very precarious where the people were lying on ground under scorching sun while the police was ready just 500 metres away. Imposition of section 144 of CrPC and repeated warning by the district Superintendent of Police to leave the land fell into deaf ear; people did not budge. Dr B D Sharma, former SC/ST Commissioner who visited the area told the media that the determination of people not to leave their land in unshakable. “People are protesting here for last 6 years. Even then if the administration resorts to use force leading to any loss of life, it would amount to genocide for which the administration will be fully responsible”. The human chain continues in the area even now.


The participation of children was defended by Abhaya Sahoo, leader of PPSS who said “Since the parents are being beaten up by the police and the armed police are confronting the democratically protesting People, so the children are compelled to participate in the protest Dharanas. I will say it’s the higher consciousness of the children that they have come forward to rescue of their parents and to safeguard their livelihood.” In fact the new strategy of taking help of children had apparently become inevitable in backdrop of event a year earlier in May 2010 where people were fired rubber bullets and tear gas, were lathi charged and local houses were burnt at Balitutha, the entry point to the three affected Panchayats leaving more than 100 people injured including several women. Children were kept in the front to negate such a possibility.


Temporary retreat by government


Unable to break the determination of the people the administration made a retreat and declared a temporary suspension of acquisition operation only to be redeployed later of and on. But until now the administration has not use force to drive out the people. There are apparently some concrete reasons why the administration opted not to use force on the democratically protesting people. First, the children barricade proved to be too impervious to be broken. Moreover, it did not want to create another ‘Kalinga Nagar’ where 12 tribal people were shot dead by the police in January 2006 in Jajpur district of the state. Since the firing there has been no significant progress of industrial work in Kalinga Nagar. This had happened when administration was facilitating construction work for TATA steels. This one incidence has left indelible blot on the image of Naveen Patnaik at the national and international level. Despite a thumping third time come back to power, Naveen can ill afford to have earned another killer image like that in Kalinga Nagar, though it would not deter to use force to disperse the crowd. Secondly, almost all the political parties barring the ruling BJD, throng to the area extending support to the protesting mass and decried any use of force on the people. CPI, CPI (M), Congress, BJP and other small parties sent their representatives who sat alongside the people and thwarted any possible police action. A series of social activists of national stature Medha Patkar, Swami Agnivesh, Vandana Shiva, Trade union leader Gurudas Dasgupta, Retd Justice of Bombay HC Justice Kolse Patil, Magsaysay award winner Sandeep Pande and others sat beside the women and children and extended solidarity to them.The demonstrations of the political parties and social activist continue in the capital Bhubaneswar of and on. Medha and Agnivesh appealed to Naveen government to hold dialogue with the people. Third and most important reason that prevented government using force is the 24x7 presence of media, most importantly the electronic media which made live telecasts and kept a close watch over the warlike situation. The strategy of children prostrating under hot sun caught the limelight of the people across the globe and sympathy waves flowed in support of the people determined to sacrifice anything and everything for their land. People from 64 countries, in a signed petition, have urged the Chief Minister not to use force and hold dialogue with the people.


Jairam Ramesh also issued a statement to the state government that approval of the project by his ministry should not be treated a licence for the government to use force on people.


Uncertainty looms large

 While the administration has already acquired some 1800 acres of land out of proposed 3719 acres (reduced from the original plan of 4004 acres) and started construction work even when there is no valid MoU between the state government with the POSCO company, uncertainty looms large over the future of the project so also the life and livelihood of the people. Of 3719 acres, 2900 acres are forest land, which the government claims to be of its own. Claims under forest Rights Act have however not been settled, though administration claims that there are no eligible claimants for forest land in the area. Separate expert committee reports headed by N C Saxena and Meena Gupta have found gross violation of the forest rights law by the state government in the area.


22nd June was observed as the ‘Black Day’ by the anti-POSCO people in Govidnpur village. On this date in 2005 the MoU was signed by the state government with South Korea steel giant. On the day, while the retreat by the government was celebrated as a temporary victory of people, Abhaya Sahoo, the leader of PPSS cautioned people of the possible ploy of the government to come in a big way following the retreat. Prashant Paikrai, the spokesperson of PPSS Said “We have concrete information that the government is attempting to arrest leaders from the village including Abhaya Sahoo so that the movement becomes weak.” On the other hand the Chief Secretary of the state, Bijay Patnaik has reiterated that the government is for peaceful land acquisition. “We have asked the district administration to motivate people to cooperate the administration in support of the mega project”. But police platoon are still camping in the schools in the area raising doubts over the intention of the administration more so when no such offer of talks have been declared by administration despite repeated requests and petitions from different quarters. National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) appealed the government to withdraw police force from the schools for their smooth functioning.

In the mean time some affected individuals like Nishakar Khatua and five others have filed writ petition near the state High Court to quash the forest and environment clearance order of the MoEF, GoI claiming that FRA is violated and to stop land acquisition in the area. The Court has started hearing the petition, though any concrete ruling is yet to come.


Coming days will determine the future of industrialisation in the state that has signed more than 79 MoUs in last ten years but whose track record of following them has been poor. The intent and courage of Naveen government in reckoning and accommodating the view of the people in the process will prove to be the key in resolving issues.


Author is a Freelance Journalist based in Bhubaneswar, Orissa. He can be contacted by e mail: 2006pradeep@gmail.com

Friday, June 24, 2011

Children’s participation in protest is due to their higher consciousness: Abhaya Sahoo

The interview came in Orissa Diary on 24th June 2011.

Web Link: http://orissadiary.com/inerview/abhaysahoo.asp


Children’s participation in protest is due to their higher consciousness: Abhaya Sahoo

Amidst controversial but successful method of taking help of children to stage Dharana in Govindur village under Kujang Tehsil to prevent the entry of the administration to acquire land in the area, POSCO Pratirodha Sangram Samiti (PPSS) observed ‘Black Day’ on 22nd June to protest the day on which MoU was signed by the Orissa government with the south Korean Steel Giant: POSCO. Its leader Abhaya Sahoo terms the decision of administration for temporary suspension of land acquisition as a victory of people, though temporary, which PPSS promises to convert into a permanent victory. In an exclusive interview he speaks to Pradeep Baisakh, Senior Editor, OrissaDiary and clears air over controversies surrounding their struggle.
Photo: Abhaya Sahoo

Orissa Diary: The government has announced for a temporary suspension of land acquisition in Govindpur/Dhinkia area? Do you consider it as your victory?


Abhaya Sahoo: Temporarily suspended. So it’s also a temporary victory. But we want to convert it to a permanent victory. We have miles to go. We have to strengthen our organisation so also our movement to achieve the permanent goal.


OD: Who this victory is attributed to?


AS: The democratic movement has forced the state government to withdraw the land acquisition process for a temporary period. It also needs to be noted that by the political atmosphere, which was created on the ground, the Naveen government was sidelined. All political partied except the ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD) came and extended their support to the POSCO Pratirodh Sangram despite the difference amongst themselves. Several social and political activists of national stature and reputation also visited and extended support.


OD: Has the visit of many national level activists like Medha Patkar, Swami Agnivesh, Gurudas Dasgupta, Rajgopal and others and the visit of representatives (from within Orissa) of political parties like CPI, CPI (M), Congress and others boosted the morale of the protesting people?


AS: Naturally several national social and political activists came here and the way they addressed the protesting people, it mounted pressure on the government on one hand and encouraged the people on the other. The leaders now keep coming. Their solidarity keeps the morale of people high and strengthens the movement.


OD: A new aspect of the movement added this time where you have preferred children to form the frontal barricade of the human chain formed that literally stopped the police to enter into the village. Do not you think the issue of child rights is involved here?


AS: Basic responsibility lies with the government to make congenial atmosphere for the children to go to school. I think that aspect is avoided deliberately by the state government. Since the parents are being beaten up by the police and the armed police are confronting the democratically protesting People, so the children are compelled to participate in the protest Dharanas. I will say it’s the higher consciousness of the children that they have come forward to rescue of their parents and to safeguard their livelihood.


OD: Do you see the temporary suspension of land acquisition by the government as a trick to befool people and make some new strategy to enter the area by taking people by surprise?


AS: I see this retreat of the government as a tactic to buy time and come again in a big way. This is one thing. We however are all for strengthening our movement and mobilize people in and around so that the pitch of democratic protest goes up which the government will find hard to ignore. It may then budge to the wishes of people.


OD: The government seems to be firm in establishing the POSCO project in this area since it has started construction work in the Polang and other villages where it has already acquired land. How do you respond to that?


AS: If you take law into consideration, since there is no MoU (MoU has expired and yet to be renewed) with POSCO, the government should have not taken any construction work for POSCO now. But they have done it which is beyond law. They are violating the law. We are also organising people from the side where construction work is going on so that they oppose the construction work. Some individuals have taken the shelter of the High Court against the illegal order of the Environment Ministry of GoI and illegal land acquisition. The court will be hearing the case soon.


OD: Visiting personalities like Swami Agnivesh, Medha Patkar urged the government to hold talks with the protesting people. Shall you be willing to talk to the government?


AS: Democratic dialogue has a good space in a democratic movement that we cannot avoid. Last year we had a direct dialogue with the Chief Minister also. But he did not keep up to his promise to visit our area. If the state government wants to start a negotiation with PPSS it should create a congenial atmosphere. For that it has to stop land acquisition, withdraw armed police from the area and withdraw false cases clamped on innocent people, and then PPSS will consider any offer of dialogue with the government.


OD: But you are firm on your position for the relocation of the POSCO project from this location. This does not leave any room for negotiation. On what subject then the government holds dialogue on?


AS: This is our basic demand that the government must withdraw the POSCO project from here. If the government is not keen in withdrawing project from our area, they may not come for any dialogue. The movement has come to the stage where the government cannot resort to use of force to establish the project as ours is a democratic movement and this is also a democratically elected government. Dialogue is of course a preferred way for working out solutions.


OD: What is your impression on United Action Committee (UAC), a pro-POSCO outfit? Does it represent the people’s will or it’s a creation of the government to confuse the media and public?


AS: It’s a creation of the government and the company. They have lost their entity. Their chairman has resigned. They are also divided with respect of who would get the contract for undertaking construction work in the area. They are now afraid of people and they are going to be more divided.


OD: Veteran BJD leader Damodar Rout alleges that since you do not belonging to this area, so you do not have any locus standi to lead the movement?


AS: The person who has made such complaints against me himself does not belong to this area. So he and I fit into the same category. If he has the right to make complaints I have the right to fight for protecting the interest of people.


OD: If everyone starts opposing the industrial projects like this then what will be the future of industrial of the state?


AS: It’s not good to oppose industrialisation for the sake of opposition. We are of very scientific view that the industrialisation should not come at the cost of vibrant agrarian economy. That’s our objective and stand. It can be take in some barren land where there is no or faltering agriculture. We are not opposed to industrialisation.


OD: If in place of POSCO, which is a foreign company, an India company like TATA proposes to build steel plant in the area, would you also oppose the same way?


AS: It’s not a question of domestic or foreign capital. At no cost a rich agrarian economy can be sacrificed for such industries.


OD: Police has been camping in the area for some months now. Are people in the village facing any difficulty due to this?


AS: People are facing different types of socio-economic difficulties due to the police presence. At one point the police was camping in the schools inside the village, which was hampering the education of the children. This is however not possible for them due to the movement of the people. The police presence at the entry point to the area, namely Balitutha prevents the activist to go out of our area. Ceremonies could not be held in villages. People cannot go out to meet relatives, cannot go out for undertaking economic activities etc. So a lot of social and economic hardships people have to face.


OD: Are people facing any health related hardships?


AS: On occasions the health of the people has been complicated due to improper access to hospitals. But PPSS has arranged heath camps for the needy people and we have asked solidarity organisations to provide doctors to look the ailing people.


OD: At this testing moment what is your appeal for the public who are sympathisers of the anti-POSCO movement?


AS: To express solidarity to this anti-POSCO movement has been a key contribution of our friends and well wishers outside. It has helped us a lot in keeping our momentum. It has also kept building pressure on the state and central government in many ways. We urge the public at large to oppose any forceful attempt of land acquisition and help us visiting us, by writing to the government to withdraw force, by simultaneously undertake protest march or Dharanas in other areas.

Wednesday, June 22, 2011

Intensive farming responsible for farmers’ suicides


This piece came in Orissa diary on 18th June 2011 and in Counter Currents on 17th June 2011

Link: http://www.orissadiary.com/CurrentNews.asp?id=27334

Link: http://www.countercurrents.org/baisakh170611.htm

Intensive farming responsible for farmers’ suicides

By Pradeep Baisakh

POSCO steel is a water guzzler. If they are beneficial to us, they should be beneficial to South Korea also, why then they are coming to India ?


Dr Devinder Sharma

Devinder Sharma, Journalist, Food Policy Analyst and an activist speaks to Pradeep Baisakh, Senior Editor, Orissa Diary on the issue of farmers' suicide, role of Micro Finance Institutions, water conflict between industry and agriculture sector, with special focus on Orissa.



Q: Odisha is not much known for farmers' suicide the way we hear it in Vidarbha, Andhra Pradesh etc. But of late such cases are being reported in the media. What's the reason?


A: When you look at the issue of farmers' suicide, it's an indication of the crisis that exists in the agriculture sector. This is linked to monoculture and intensive or industrial farming model, which have been implemented in the country. Vidharbha for instance has been in the news on the issue of farmers' suicide mainly because there is one NGO namely Vidharbha Jan Andolan Samiti which regularly compiles the figures of farmers suicide and feeds to the media. Unfortunately there are no such NGOs elsewhere to do a similar job. So we do not get the real picture of farmers distress in other areas where conditions are equally bad. Suppose this NGO also stops compiling suicide figures, our impression about Vidharbha as a suicide belt of India will also disappear. In other words, not only in Vidharbha, agriculture across the country is in a terrible crisis.


The primary cause of farm suicide is the destruction of natural resources. Due to intensive farming soil has been destroyed and ground water has plummeted. Inputs like use of fertiliser and pesticides have destroyed the environment. Unwanted technologies have added to the woes. The input cost e.g. the cost of the seeds, fertilisers and pesticides have gone up whereas the output cost has remained more or less same in the last twenty years. If you adjust for inflation, output prices have remained more or less frozen. So what do you expect the farmer to do? They collapse under agrarian distress and commit suicide.


In Odisha the suicide rates are not as high as in Maharastra or Punjab. That's because Odisha still follows sustainable farming practices. It is yet to completely switch over to intensive farming.


Odisha has yet not adopted the ‘intensive farming' model that the green revolution areas are plagued with. The lessons here are very clear. If you want the farmers to suffer push them into intensive farming. I find Odisha is now at the crossroads. It is under pressure from agribusiness to go in for industrial farming. It has therefore to decide what path -- sustainable or unsustainable -- it wants to pick up for its farmers.


Q: Can you explain what intensive or industrial farming model is?


A: Soil comprises of organic matter. The effort should be on how to ensure that the organic matter is released to plants in a sustainable manner. Under the industrial farming model, the use of chemical fertilisers, pesticides and hybrid seeds are promoted in an intensive way. Over the years, chemical fertilisers have upset the equilibrium of micro-organism in the soil. The organic matter in the soil should be at least 2%. If it is 4% content, nothing like it. Now look at Punjab, where the organic matter in the soil has come down to a low of 0.1-0.2%. In other words due to excessive use of chemical fertilisers, organic matter in the soils is almost zero. Under such conditions, crop production is dependent upon how much chemical fertilisers you use. It is primarily for the lack of organic matter in soil that farmers are now applying twice the quantity of fertilisers that they used to apply some 10 years ago for getting the same harvest. What is not being realised is that the soil is gasping for breath. The desperate need of the hour is to regenerate the soil.


Similarly, the use and abuse of chemical pesticides have played havoc with the environment and food chain. All this has been necessitated because we developed high-yielding crop varieties and hybrids that were responsive to chemical fertilisers and pesticides.


These crop varieties are also water guzzlers. A high-yielding variety (HYV) of rice, for example, consumes on an average 5000 litres of water to produce 1 kg of grain. For the hybrid varieties, the water requirement is as high as 7000 to 7500 litres for a 1 kg of rice production. Hybrid seeds have hybrid vigour and therefore its seed have to be purchased afresh every year. This means more in put cost for the farmer. In any case, till now hybrid rice occupied about 3% area under cultivation. Now the government is aggressively pushing the use of hybrid seeds under Rashtriya Krishi VikasYojana. As a result we will see water mining literally sucking the groundwater levels dry. Any shortfall in rain will turn into a severe drought-like condition because the groundwater levels will fall drastically because of hybrid seeds promotion.


Q: In many cases of farmer's suicides there appears to be a linkage with small loans taken from Micro-Finance Institutions (MFIs). Are MFIs also responsible for agrarian distress?


A: There is no denying that micro-finance is a killer. It looks very attractive under the garb of disbursing small credit at a cheaper rate to build the capacity of the poor and thereby alleviate poverty. In reality, it does the opposite. I fail to understand how poverty can be banished when the poor are given small loans up to Rupees 10,000 on an exorbitant annual interest rate of 24%, which in reality turns out to be as high as 48% on weekly recovery. If you and I were to be also charged a usurping interest of 24 % we would surely slide into poverty. Micro-finance is therefore nothing short of a crime against humanity.


In the cities, we can buy a car on a loan at an interest averaging 6-7%. House loans up to rupees 20 lakh are available at 8 % interest. Why should then the poorest of the poor be charged 24 % for a paltry amount? This is nothing but crime. And now look at the hypocrisy of MFIs. They have gone to the Reserve Bank of India pleading for an extension of their repayment period for loans to 5-6 years. MFIs expect the poorest of the poor to repay at weekly intervals but when it comes to them, they are seeking a repayment period of 5-6 years. Isn't this double standard? I have no hesitation in saying that the MFIs bosses need to be held accountable for the crime they continue to inflict on the poor.


Often MFIs respond by saying they have empowered the poor with micro-finance. This is a cruel joke. As I said earlier, if anyone like you and me were to repay back our loans at an interest rate of 24% with weekly instalments, we too would remain perpetually in poverty. The stories that some women have succeeded with MFIs loans is not only unconvincing but are more often than not simply cooked up. As the private money lenders (who charge still higher rate of interests) and they too will tell you stories of several poor who turned the tables with their loans. So if the MFIs brand the private money lenders as criminals, I see no reason why they too need to be seen as anything different. MFIs are nothing but organised money lenders.


Q: People also are taking multiple credits?


A: The repayment cycle is so designed that poor have no choice but to take multiple credit thereby falling in multiple trap. When the poor women cannot repay at weekly intervals they come under so much of peer pressure that they are left with no other option but to commit suicide. Most of the poor in the rural areas are either small farmers or landless labourers. It is therefore obvious that farmer suicide has a direct correlation with the functioning of MFIs.


Let me illustrate. If a poor woman in West Bengal wants to buy a goat she gets a loan from an MFI at 24%. On the other hand, the previous government had made available credit to Tatas for setting up its manufacturing facility for Nano car at an interest of 1%. Isn’t this ironical? If the poor woman was also to be given a small loan at 1% interest I bet she would be driving a Nano car at the end of the year.


Q: In many cases, relatives of the victims of farmer suicides allege that coercive methods are used by MFIs to recover loan thereby creating a desperate situation wherein the borrower is forced to commit suicide. Has the government done enough on this issue?


A: This is true. Recently, primarily for this reason Andhra Pradesh had brought in a law to regulate MFIs. I am told the Centre is brining in another law which will over-ride the AP law. It is therefore obvious that no lessons have been learnt. The Centre appears keen to protect the erring MFIs. This probably follows from the global euphoria in recent years in favour of the MFIs. Such a feeling emanated after the Nobel Peace prize was given to Mohammed Yunus of Bangladesh. No one ever asked Yunus whether he had ever taken a loan at an interest rate of 24% for himself or for his family. The same is true for the head of Basix and SKS Finance in India. They have never taken a loan for themselves at 24%.


I fail to understand why the shutter should not be pulled down on MFIs. The RBI can do that. I have always said that if farmers can be given cooperative loans at 3% (some States give at 1%) why the same loan cannot be extended to the SHGs?


Q: Farmers in Western Odisha districts like Balangir and Kalahandi, which are also part of the KBK (Undivided Kalahandi, Balangir and Koraput) region, have started using Bt cotton seed for cotton farming. Is it legal? What will be the impact of the entry of Bt seeds to Odisha agro-market given that it has led to farm crisis elsewhere?


A: I think it does not matter if this is legal or illegal. The governments all over the country are supporting Bt cotton or genetically modified cotton. Under public pressure some of the governments may say something, but basically all of them barring a few exceptions are sold to the idea of GM crops.


KBK as an area has been in news for long and for wrong reasons. We all know what has gone wrong with KBK, which otherwise is a naturally well endowed region. Early in 1990s when I visited the area to research for my book, people had started shifting to cash crops. You cannot only blame the seed companies for the shift. My view is the farmers are also responsible for the mess they have created in agriculture. Normally we all blame the government. But somewhere down the line we need to also see where the farmer is at fault. If in the last fifteen years more then 2.5 lakh farmers have committed suicide much of the blame also rests with farmers. They have gone equally greedy and wanted to be rich overnight and did all the wrong things. They complain that they have been taken for a ride while purchasing a particular type of seed, this is not believable. I think as a community they must come together to understand what has gone wrong. Look at the farmers union. Are any of them taking the issue of farmers' suicide seriously?


In KBK region also farmers have tried to be rich overnight. There is always a government pressure through various ‘Kisan Melas' to adopt a particular model of farming or promoting a particular brand of seed. But the farmer should know what seed they are using and what would its effect be.


There is one farmer Subhash Sharma in Vidharbha region who owns 16 acres of land. He grows organic crops for the domestic market; does not use any chemical fertilisers or pesticides and still makes good profit. To his 50-odd workers, he gives an annual bonus and also provides them leave travel concession with 50 holidays every year. If one farmer can do this, why can't others? Still more importantly, Subhash Sharma farms in the heart of the suicide belt of Vidharbha. This only shows that there still is hope provided the farmers learn to apply the right kind of farming techniques and approaches.


Q: Is the water conflict between industry and agriculture real? Or do we have sufficient water resources to afford for both the sectors?


A: Water conflict is now all pervasive. In Gujrat, Andhara Pradesh, Punjab conflict is being witnessed around the contentious issue of water distribution. Odisha is also going to be major problematic area because the influx of private companies will divert a lot of water being used by the communities. Most of the companies which originate in other Asian countries are coming here for water. For example, POSCO (A South Korean steel giant which is going to make huge investment in Odisha) originates from South Korea which is faced with a terrible water crisis. Crisis there is so precarious that here is one country (there may be other countries) which actually erected underground dams for preserving and conserving groundwater. Steel manufacturing process is one of the worst water consuming. Therefore if Korea permits companies like POSCO to guzzle water then there will be little water left for domestic use. Therefore Korea is allowing steel and car manufacturers (car production tops the list as far as water consumption is concerned) to set up plants outside the country. But in our quest for more FDI we allow these companies to set in. We are simply ignoring the environmental cost. By the time we realise it, it will be too late.

Q: Despite a large number of cases of farmers' suicide why the farmers union have not been successful in taking up the issue and improve upon the situation?



A: There was a time when the farmers union were doing very well. The prominent farmer leaders are Narayan Swami Naidu in Tamil Nadu, Sarad Joshi, a national scale leader, Mahendra Singh Tikayat in North India , Dr Sunilam in MP and others. They were popular and had a lot of support from the farmers. But over the years most of the farmer's leader stared getting into elections. That is where the process of weakening of the farmers union started. Narayan Swami Naidu fought election and lost. Then his movement fizzled out. Similarly Sharad Joshi fought lections and lost. His ‘Chetkari Sangatahan' lost its sheen and there are almost no followers now. The gentleman is now in the bandwagon of Mansantos, the infamous seed company. Similarly Mahendar Singh Tikayat's original 'Bhartiya Kishan Sangathan' has fragmented to so many splinter groups. He is very sick now and his son entered into politics and lost deposits. This is the beginning of the end of the farmers' movement. I have a feeling that the way Trade Union leaders failed the workers movement similarly the farmer leaders have failed the farmers' movement. Every farmer leaders have political ambitions.


2.5 lakh farmers committed suicide, but not a single farmer leader has the guts to come and sit on fast. On one occasion I had offered them that I will go on fast on the issue and you join. Then gradually farmers will join from across the country, but none accepted my offer. The farmers are in search of honest farmer leaders who can lead them and rescue from the current agro crisis.

…………………

The author is the Senior Editor, Orissa Diary. He can be contacted through e mail: 2006pradeep@gmail.com



Wednesday, June 15, 2011

Prevent possible genocide in proposed POSCO area of Orissa: Dr B D Sharma

The interview came in Orissa Diary (http://www.orissadiary.com/) on 15th June 2011


Prevent possible genocide in proposed POSCO area of Orissa: Dr B D Sharma

 By Pradeep Baisakh

 
Dr B D Sharma

Dr. B D Sharma, former Chairperson of SC/ST Commission, President, Bharat Jana Andolan and an authoritative voice on tribal issues visited proposed POSCO area in Jagatsingpur district on 7th June 2011 to witness the people's protest against the forceful land acquisition by the police. He visited Govindpur village under Dhinkia Panchayat, the bastion of POSCO Pratirodha Sangram Samiti (PPSS), an outfit leading the anti POSCO struggle for last six years and also saw the police preparedness (about 20 platoon of force is camping there) in the area. Dr Sharma speaks exclusively to Pradeep Baisakh, Senior Editor, OrissaDiary.com and expresses concern over the tensed situation prevailing due to heavy presence of police force in the area.

Q: You visited the Govindpur village under Dhinkia Panchayat, supposed to be the bastion for anti-POSCO movement. What is your observation?

A: The police have arrived in the area with full force and is organising flag marches. This is basically to threaten people to leave the area. The police are now strategising their next move. But the people there are too determined to be intimidated. They are resolved to protect their land by protesting in democratic manner.

Q: On several occasions of land acquisition, like in case of Kalinga Nagar (for TATA steel) in 2006 and in Maikanch (in Kashipur for Utkal Alumina) the state has used force leading bloodshed and loss of lives. Do you apprehend such situation here also?

A: Nothing can be ruled out given the situation now arising out of deployment of heavy police force in Govindpur village. The people are known to have opposed the project for last six years. Despite that if the state decides for forceful eviction leading to any untoward incidence then this will not be termed as mere police action but'genocide'. If you do not anticipate a situation and opens fire to control the crowd leading to loss of life, then that is different. But in this case where you know that people will not leave their land and still you open fire at them, then its genocide. Moreover people in Dhinkia and other Panchayats are democratically protesting.

Q: Jairam Ramesh, the Minister of state for Environment and Forest, GoI gave the environmental clearance to POSCO project ignoring the findings and recommendations of the expert committees appointed by him. How far is that justified?

A: His own appointed committees like Saxena and Meena Gupta committees have given reports of violation of forest rights act and other laws like coastal zone regulations etc by the state government and recommended for withdrawal of all the clearances (Saxena committee and majority of Meena Gupta committee) granted to the project. Despite that if he is giving clearance to the project then it seems that he is influenced. Even though the Minister is under no legal obligation accept the recommendations of the expert committees, but the norm is that the Minister should go through the suggestions carefully and decide accordingly.

Q: The Environment Minster, while pronouncing the final order, heavily depended on the argument of the state government that "Faith and trust is an essential pillar of cooperative federalism". (This was on the issue whether there were Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (OTFDs) present in the area, which the state government denies) Should federalism be based on rule of law or trust and faith?

A: It is obviously the rule of law and the provisions of Constitution that determine the federal character. Faith and trust do not count when it comes to the issue of implementation of laws passed by Parliament (Forest Rights Act, 2006) by the state government.

Q: Is there no scope for peaceful industrialisation? What is the way out for POSCO?

A: The Bhuria Committee on tribal self rule has given extensive recommendations on how the state should include the community as the stake holders in the industrial ventures. The government should hold talks with the people who are losing land and are going to be directly or indirectly affected by the project. Some solution will emerge. Peaceful industrialisation is possible by debates and holding discussion. But if the government depends on using force against its own people for ushering industry driven development, then how it can be peaceful.

Q: The Naveen Patnaik government is going ahead with its pursuit of aggressive industrialisation and has signed above 85 MoUs without any proper estimation of the requirement of land, water and forest and how they would be acquired. This is despite criticism from several quarters. The state has not dithered to use brutal force against its own people while favouring corporate. Despite all these it has bounced back to power with a thumping majority for the third time! Has the representative democracy failed in India to ensure accountability of the government?

A: Yes, it has. Unfortunately, in the representative form of democracy as is being operating in India, the real owners i.e. the people get only one chance to decide in every five years. After a government is elected, it takes the people for granted and pursues its own agenda, which is many a time contrary to the overall interest of people. This is not how representative democracy should function. But unfortunately, it so functions here.

[The author is the Senior Editor, Orissa Diary. He can be contacted through e mail: 2006pradeep@gmail.com ]