Don’t rush with the cash

This interview came in 'Financial World' , an financial daily by Tehelka group of publications on 6th September 2011. The web version is not available. 

Don’t rush with the cash

REETIKA KHERA, ASST PROFESSOR, IIT, NEW DELHI TALKS TO PRADEEP BAISAKH ON THE FINDINGS OF A SURVEY ON THE FUNCTIONING OF THE PUBLIC DISTRIBUTION SYSTEM IN 100 INDIA VILLAGES ACROSS NINE STATES.

You recently conducted survey covering about 100 villages in nine states like Chhatisgarh, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan. What did you find?

You forgot to mention two important states that were part of the survey: Himachal Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. The survey was important because the proposed National Food Security Act (NFSA) is currently being drafted and because of the debate about cash transfers as an alternative to the PDS. There were three important reasons for the PDS survey: to get feedback from the ground on the functioning of the PDS, to learn what makes the PDS work well in some states and not so well in others and to know the views on cash transfers as an alternative to food. We found that the PDS plays a crucial role in ensuring food security. The general perception of half of PDS grain (we did not have a chance to probe non-grain PDS commodities in as much detail) not reaching the poor is no longer true in most of these states; BPL households reported getting 86% of their grain entitlements. On cash, except in Bihar, people were quite resistant to the idea – overall, 67% opted for food, 18% for cash and the rest were either not clear or made conditional choices.

You have written to the Prime Minister sharing with him brief observations on the revival of PDS system urging him not to switch over to the cash transfer mode from the current system of distribution of ration. Have you got any response from the PMO?

Well, the letter to the PM urged against a hasty transition to cash transfers. And no, we have not received any response.  

What, according to your survey, are people’s views on cash transfers?

An important learning from our conversations this summer was that it is not easy to make a single statement about the impact cash transfers on food security.   The answer to that question depends on many things: for instance, who is asked that question (is it a marginal farmer or a single woman), where they live (in a village with poor access or close to a market town), how the PDS works in that area, etc. A large majority of the respondents, though they could see the potential benefits of cash transfers (e.g., being able to purchase a more diversified food basket), were extremely apprehensive - in some cases, people even ‘feared’ cash - about the impact of cash transfers on food security. Bihar is an exception to this general pattern. These apprehensions stemmed primarily from the fact that most parts of rural India are just not ready for cash transfers. Mind you, readiness is not just a question of whether banks/post offices are accessible and whether people have accounts already. Readiness of the system is equally a question of whether markets are accessible and well-developed, whether the government has accurate and reliable data on prices to index cash transfers in a satisfactory manner, whether rural markets function well. Let me give you a few examples. When we explained to a woman in Sirmaur (Himachal Pradesh) that the cash amount would be indexed to prices, guess what her reply was? She said, "I know when the government will increase the amount - every five years, before elections". In Tamil Nadu (where rural markets are reasonably well developed) and in Chhattisgarh and Orissa (where they aren't), respondents feared being left at the mercy of the local banias (businessman). In Dharmapuri (Tamil Nadu), one man said, "If there is no PDS ration shop, all the banias in the market will collude and raise prices. Where will we go in that case?" Experts engaged in the cash versus food debate could do with a lesson in the economics of rural markets from rural residents who will be affected by this policy change.

Shall it have any bearing on the Minimum Support Price (MSP) of farm product and consequently on the farming community?

Will the government's procurement operations continue if there is no PDS? Procurement is undertaken for the PDS and to stabilize market prices through open market sales (its another story that the government failed to do that when prices of wheat and rice shot up two years ago). There isn’t any concrete proposal on the details of a cash transfer regime.

Is the cash transfer system working well in countries like Mexico where it has been borrowed from?

In Mexico, the government used conditional cash transfers as an anti-poverty measure - e.g., households were given a certain amount of cash if they attended the public health clinic. That is quite different from what is being proposed here (a replacement of the PDS – a food security programme - with cash transfers). Two more points are worth noting: one, the identification of households was done through something that resembles India's BPL census. In India the two BPL censuses have been a disaster. In 2005-6, among the poorest 20% (of the expenditure group), nearly half did not have a BPL card! Two, in Mexico cash transfers were accompanied by large-scale public provision of basic services (like the public health clinics), not a withdrawal of public provisioning.

Why is government keen on cash transfers?

Though there is no specific proposal yet (cash transfer or food coupons), there is certainly a big push towards dismantling the PDS. This would be criminally unfair to states such as Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Himachal, Tamil Nadu where people rely on the PDS shop for subsidized wheat/rice, dals, oils, etc. I will be surprised if the Centre finds any takers in those states for such a proposal. In fact, I believe the Chhattisgarh Chief Minister has written to the planning commission that he is opposed to cash in lieu of the PDS. State governments seem to understand people’s needs better than the Centre.

Reforms in water sector is biased towards favoring the rich: Ranjan Panda

This interview came in Orissa Diary in August 2011


Web Link: http://orissadiary.com/inerview/Ranjan_Panda.asp


Reforms in water sector is biased towards favoring the rich: Ranjan Panda


Ranjan Panda was crowned as the NDTV-Toyata Green hero in December 2010 for his contribution toward environment protection by way of renovation of the traditional water harvesting techniques in Western Odisha districts like Sambalpur and Bargarh. He was earlier profiled as a Climate Crusader by NDTV and is the writer of a book on Traditional Water Harvesting Practices of Western Odisha. He is the convener of Water Initiative Odisha and founder of Organsiation Manav Adhikar Seva Samiti (MASS). Panda , known as the Waterman of Odisha, speaks exclusively to Pradeep Baisakh, Senior Editor, OrissaDiary.com on the traditional water harvesting techniques, the agro-industry conflict, water distribution and the ADB promoted water reforms plan in Odisha.
…

 Orissadiary:You have won the NDTV-TOYATA Green Hero award, a prestigious award for work on environment. What is your reaction?

Ranjan Panda: An award is a recognition and responsibility at the same time.  I am happy not only because I got this  first ever national green awards launched by NDTV, but also because this is where our work has been recognized by an independent group after following us and our work for several years.  At a time, when many awards are in reality lobbied for, this is a recognition you get without even applying for it or knowing that you were being tracked for years.  Responsibility, I say, because the work that people like us are doing is getting rare by the day.  We are in a world where environmentalism is increasingly being seen in parlance with naxalism and terrorism. If you seriously talk and work for environment the entire human race, which has forgotten its root of existence and its responsibility towards the mother earth, will consider that you are actually committing a crime.  If you become the voice of the alive but dumb ecology, you will be crushed in several ways.  We are happy blindly urbanizing and discriminately industrializing; and in the process, eating up all other species and beings on earth.  Ironically, we are eating up our own future and call ourselves educated!  So, this award is a responsibility to keep on to the difficult task of siding with the environment and fighting against the deadly human race.

 Orissadiary: Can you very briefly narrate us your work on water harvesting?

Ranjan Panda: In fact our work goes beyond water harvesting; towards creating water secure communities for now and future.  In 1988, when I was a student of Sociology in the Sambalpur University, I got an opportunity to visit remote rural and tribal villages.  I was astounded to see the rich ecological knowledge and value system that existed in these villages and the communities.  They understood forests, water and food management much better than anyone I had talked or interacted so far.  But they lived in abject poverty, neglected by the state and other development machineries.  The invasion of external cultures and knowledge systems, all in the name of development, had made them so weak that they had lost their confidence in their own skills and traditional know-how.  Thus they had turned from prospering villages, which fought drought successfully just a century ago, to perishing villages which had become dependent on external support.  We tried to revert this and spent several years to make the people regain their confidence on the wonderful traditional knowledge they had; to build and manage water harvesting structures and systems.  After years of persuasion and strategic efforts we achieved success in reviving water harvesting culture in several villages.  People, who had abandoned their crop lands for decades and were migrating out, started returning and converting these human-made deserts into green fields again.  To add to their local and traditional skills and knowledge we provided some inputs that would make locally and ecologically sustainable value additions.  We motivated them to manage the water they harvested through different types and sizes of structures like Bandh, Kata, Muda, Chahala, Chua, Paenghara, etc.  Once the water security was achieved, cropping systems were reworked so that food and nutrition security could be achieved through out the year.  Different villages had different levels of successes depending on the resources they could mobilise and other factors.  However, the culture of water and food security came back to the main agenda of the village communities and they found back the lost dignity of their traditional knowledge and technology. 

 Orissadiary: Drought is quite recurrent in Odisha, mostly in the western part of it. Is the state traditionally a drought prone area? And will your magic formula of water harvesting solve the problem?

Ranjan Panda: Yes, drought is now the other name of western Odisha.  But this was not the same just about a century ago.  The communities here were better water planners and managers than the modern day engineers.  This area supplied food relief to the Bengal famine victims. Records hold it that this was agriculturally one of the most prosperous regions of the erstwhile central provinces.  However, this sustainable system of water harvesting and management started decaying during the British Raj and more so after we got independence. We bet for large dams, canal irrigation and everything else that involved concrete constructions.  We ignored the people and the systems that had worked for centuries.  Deprived of any support, the once prosperous agrarian communities had no options but to take to what the govt. officials and engineers prescribed them.  Unfortunately, the external engineering based water management systems failed miserably and hence the area got converted to a drought prone region.  The need is therefore to revert to the traditional decentralized systems of water harvesting that does not only talk about structures but systems of ecological integration.  Things can only improve then. The engineers and govt. departments and even civil societies should come up with solutions that can fit into the already existing systems of the people so that they can own the process and be managers of their own water.  This works. We have proved it.  More so, this is no magic formula.  We have just learned from the people and have given it back to them with some modern day inputs.  This has helped them fight drought with success, yet again.

Orissadiary: The state supplies cheap labour to other states. Is it because the agriculture has failed to meet the livelihood need of people? Shall water harvesting help on this front?

Ranjan Panda: Water harvesting alone is not the solution to all woes agriculture faces now.  While agriculture has been neglected by successive governments, the process has got accelerated ever since the new economic reforms started in the early 90s.  All support in the name of agriculture is benefiting the rich and industrialists; agriculture land is being indiscriminately being diverted for industries; and effective irrigation is shrinking. A cumulative result of this is reflected in the growing marginalization of the farming communities who are now gaining a new identity of ‘wage laborers’, be it in the roads, constructions, industries or even in urban areas.  There is been a systematic conspiracy to weaken all support systems for the farmers and as a result, while the income of almost all other people in the country has grown by manifold (even hundreds and thousands of times), that of the farmers has actually declined drastically.  As a run up to the Bali climate convention we carried out an exercise to build a people’s agenda for climate change.  You would be surprised to note that most of the farmers said that they want the agriculture department to be shut down if the farmers’ plight is any concern of the govt.  They said this in frustration as they feel while the agriculture department officials and ministers have grown richer, the farmers have turned paupers.  This is a serious aspect and needs to be looked in with utmost urgency.  Farmers have to fight against all evils like poverty, climate change and money lenders’ vagaries to grow crops for the nation and then fight on streets to fetch a ‘minimum’ support price.  Even if they can get the minimum support price for some of the main products like paddy, that never comes in handy to buy a dignified life in an economy where everything including education, health care and drinking water have to be bought with cash, which keeps escalating by the day.  They are being impoverished by design and are triply murdered in the way I have described above.  Is it not an irony that the same farmer who grows food for us has to depend on the Rs.2 or Rs.3 kilo rice for quenching his hunger!!  While water harvesting is an urgent need, there is plethora of issues to be addressed if we are serious about development of this agrarian state.

 Orissadiary: Recent days have witnessed the conflict of water distribution between industries and agriculture. How real is such a conflict? Does the government have any proper plan to meet the water requirement of several industries coming in the state (State has signed 79 MoUs steel, alumina and power companies etc) without bringing pressure on agriculture?

Ranjan Panda: In my opinion the debate over water distribution has gone beyond just industries versus agriculture. Water is now being diverted for everything else for industries and urban areas and be sure we are heading towards a disaster. Our state has been proactively marketing itself as a water surplus state to attract investments and in that blind move it has completely ignored both logical and scientific principles of water resources management. We have already warned that we may in fact turn to a ‘water stressed’ state just in another five to seven years. Time is now for the state to learn the basics of water; that it is a finite ecological resource and not an abundant gift of nature that can be exploited just to attract private sector investment. We are dooming our state and ripping the people and ecology of their water future, just for profit of a few private pockets. See, even we cannot provide water to all the industries we have signed agreement with, in about a decade’s time. Take it as my word. And if we do, be sure you will witness bloody battles all around the state, I warn.

 Orissadiary: Now international aid agencies like World Bank and Asian Development Bank (ADB) are suggesting water sector reforms in the state of Odisha. How far such recommendations going to help the state’s farmers and industries?

Ranjan Panda: This is nothing new. In the neo-liberal economic era, reforms are the mantra of the elitist economists who keep pushing for it without caring about monitoring the results.  And, our greedy political classes, who assume mastership of our fate as soon as they get elected, get easily swayed by the glitzy promises of the so called reforms.  In reality, reforms have widened the gap between the rich and poor further.  Access to water is one of the glaring indicators of this.  The so called reforms agenda that is being propagated in water sector is biased towards favoring the rich.  Putting a price on water is the single fundamental principle of this.  So, while in the name of economic growth, you are free to push water sucking urbanization and industrialization, you propose for reforms in the management of the available water resources.  You eat up the water, pollute it and alienate the people and species that are dependent on it for their survival and basic livelihood.  And as water goes scarce for products of your ‘reforms’ you ask the people to behave and in the name of management you grab the remaining water resources by putting a price on it and giving entry to private entities to manage it. Neither the poor can pay the price nor can they hold private bodies accountable.  So, they lose out on their survival.  More farmers will end their lives in our state if such reforms continue.

 Orissadiary: Water is a community property. Do you visualize a situation in any point of time in future where water is managed by the community at large? Is practically possible? Do you have any quick suggestions for it?

Ranjan Panda: We have appointed our government exactly for that.  They have not been elected by the people to work at behest of the corporates.  The water resources and other related departments and institutions have been created to serve the people.  The people are the owners of the resources and the institutions; and instruments created in the form of such departments and bodies are to ensure that the ownership remains in the people.  That is the basic sense of democracy and this is what government should be.  We are going the opposite way.  Rather, in the name of community participation, we are creating institutions to alienate the communities from planning and decision making.  The Pani Panchayats are a case in point.  It’s only when you have a good officer or committed politician that you get to find some positive things happening.  Or it’s only when the farmers or people can show up their courage and power enough to exert control over such institutions. What I intend to say is, it’s very much possible if such good officers and politicians and civil society players combine to revert the trend; and make the system serve the people, not become owners of them.

 Orissadiary: Finally, have you taken any initiative in persuading the government for accepting your plans of water management in the state policy; and with what results?

Ranjan Panda: Yes, if you have kept a track of what we have been doing, you can find that we have been trying to persuade the government to be people’s representatives and not that of corporates’.  We have been constantly urging upon them to take the communities into confidence and give people their due right over the water and other natural resources.  Its only when the people of the state are closely and constantly involved in water resources planning and management that we can ensure a better water future for ourselves.  Corporate, at whose behest most of the water management planning is being done at the moment, are here only for profit and they will go away as soon as our resources are exhausted.  This should be considered while taking decisions and devising management plans.  We have recently objected to the inclusion of corporate representatives in proposed river basin organisations.  According to us, they are at best consumers and hence can never be part of the decision making bodies in the name of stakeholder participation.  The first and foremost stakeholder in water management of the state is its people.  We have proposed inclusion of farmers, fisher folks, women, panchayat representatives in decision making bodies.  The govt. officials and other technical bodies can provide the advisory and technical supports. Time the govt. takes serious note of it and changes its attitude and culture of alienating people from water and its management.

Are Micro Finanace Institutions driving defaulters to the depths of despair?

The piece came in GRASSROOTS in July 2011 issue

Are Micro Finanace Institutions driving defaulters to the depths of despair?

The term ‘collection agent’ is often used in a pejorative sense. However, in Orissa, a new low seems to have been reached , with micro finance institutions, in stead of empowering women and alleviating poverty threatening defaulting borrowers to into submission

Pradeep Baisakh, Bhubaneswar

Belonging to a Micro Finance Institution dragged Nirupama Nayak, a 35-year-old woman staying in Salia Sahi slum of Bhubaneswar (Capital of Odisha), rebuked her in filthy language in front of her neighbors, roughed her up and locked her house. The incidence took place in last year when Nirupama failed to repay the installment. She had taken a loan to build her house. A humiliated Nirupama poured kerosene and attempted to commit suicide by setting herself on fire. She was, however, stopped from doing so by neighbours.

“I had taken a loan of 12, 000 from a micro finance institution for starting a small business. As my business did not do well, I could not meet the high interest rate demanded. One executive from the micro finance institution used slang and his boys physically assaulted me” alleges Malati Nayak, a resident of Sarankula, Bhubaneswar.

A leader addressing a rally of women Self Help Group members demonstrating againt micro finance institutions

“Are you such a shameless woman? Had I been in your place, I would have committed suicide!” screeched a agent belonging to a micro finance institution at Babi Parida of Maa Shakti Self Help group in Panchrida village, Nayagarh district. Babi, who had taken a farm loan of Rs 10000, was unable to repay because her crop failed.

Several such complaints are pouring in from almost all Orissa’s 30 districts, drawing the focus on how the much hyped micro finance institutions are being run. The institutions are supposed to empower women and alleviate poverty, but, ironically on many occasions borrowers have attempted suicide and, sadly, some have succeeded.

It may be naïve to consider the behavior of the office bearers of some micro finance institutions as just an expression of anger. The real intention could well be made out if one analyses the insurance linkage of every loan disbursed under the scheme. Under the scheme, insurance cover is also provided for the life of the person availing the loan. In case of her death, the insured money is given to the family, but after balance installments are deducted. Therefore suicides and deaths ensure recovery of the loan amount.

When the person taking loan becomes insolvent, the insurance cover comes in handy for the institutions. In other words, the borrowers who turn defaulter are driven to depth of despair, to suicide. One may be skeptical on such a horrendous linkage, but given the number of suicide cases reported in the state owing to the borrowing from micro finance institutions, it is difficult to throw away the premise altogether.

In Orissa, micro finance institutions have mushroomed in the state in absence of the proper banking network, particularly in the rural areas. The institutions are doing good business with the success almost percolating to grassroots. There are about 30-35 such institutions operating in the state, most of whom function as NGOs. They operate like non-profit organisations, but make huge profit by charging high interest. In the past four years (2006-2010) the institutions have lent Rs 1500 crore, covering 20 lakh customers, the rate of return being 95 percent.

Even though the annual rate of interest chargeable by micro finance institutions has been fixed in the range of 15-28 percent by State Level Banking Committee (SLBC), the real rate of interest varies from 30 to 35 percent. Some institutions allegedly charge up to 60 percent. In the case of Babi, she was given a loan of Rs 10,000 with Rs 1550 being deducted at source citing insurance cover, registration charges etc. She had to pay a Rs 225 every week for 50 weeks. That means for an effective loan of 8500, she has to pay 11,250 in 50 weeks in installments; the interest rate thus hovers around 32-percent mark.

The micro finance institutions use all possible coercive methods to recover the loan installments. They include causing physical and metal humiliations. Sai Prasan, an expert on financial matters, says “Banks give loan to the costumers at 10 percent interest, but micro finance institutions charge more than 30 percent.”

The institutions avail loan from banks at the rate of 12-15 percent. They, however say that they adhere to all norms and guidelines laid down by RBI and SLBC. Bijay Pandia, Branch manager of a micro finance institution says “We charge 1.03 percent interest rate per month and do not use any coercive method for loan recovery”

Devinder Sharma, a critic of micro finance institutions say “If any of us takes loan at least at the rate of 24 percent annual with weekly repayment of installment, s/he will fall in to BPL category in some years.”

Last year in Balasore district a farmer committed suicide owing to his inability to repay a loan. Similar such cases of suicides have poured from various parts of the state. Although the government came out with the figure of 46 farmer suicide cases which occurred in 2009-10 to 2010-11, the real number is quite high. “Farmers borrow from micro-finance organizationsthe money-lenders and of course from the banks. The cases of the farmers committing suicides owing to non-payment of installments to the micro finance institutions are much more than the other two categories.” Says Sai Prasan

A sub committee of State Level Banking Committee (SLBC) was formed in November 2010 by the government to look into the regulatory aspects of the micro finance institutions.

As early as in 2006 such a sub-committee was formed but with no impact. The micro finance institutions seem to have been given a free run in every nook and corner of the state to bring people into debt trap. People have even sought multiple loans from different micro finance institutions. A new loan is taken to repay the installment of an old one.

The Andhra government recently brought an ordinance regulating the micro finance institutions, owing to large-scale instances of suicide by borrowers. The state government of Odisha is yet to take such a measure, although it has written to the central government urging for a comprehensive legislation regulating the functioning of such institutions.

The Odisha government wants to bring Bt Cotton to Kalahandi

The interview came in Tehelka on on 18th July 2011

Web Link: http://www.tehelka.com/story_main50.asp?filename=Ws180711The_Odisha.asp

The Odisha government wants to bring Bt Cotton to Kalahandi

P Sainath, Rural Affairs Editor, The Hindu and 2007 Magsaysay award winner, shares with Pradeep Baisakh his views on the POSCO project, Odisha farmers’ suicides and the National Food Security Bill

P Sainath, Rural Affairs Editor, The Hindu (Photo by Abhisek Pande)

You have visited Odisha quite often. How, in your view, has it changed in the last 20 years?

Inequalities have increased massively. Earlier, we used to hire jeeps which were falling apart. Today, to go to Kalahandi, you have Innovas, Scorpios, Safaris. And in the same place there are people who have pledged their crop until 2015 to moneylenders.

Kalahandi’s problem is exploitation even today. Odisha’s per capita food production is higher than the national average for last 30-40 years and Kalahandi’s per capita food production is higher than the state, but people do not know that. Now, that very secure and very diverse food base is being destroyed. I hear the Odisha government wants to bring Bt cotton to Kalahandi. Bt will drink up the water. It will be a wonderful bonanza for the seed companies, a few traders and 10-12 big farmers. Everybody else will suffer.

The state has shifted its base – now it is just a depository of raw materials and minerals. The character and richness of the state has been reduced to being the playground of the extractive industries. That is the difference.

You visited the proposed POSCO area in Jagattsingur, then Kalinganagar, then Gopalpur: it’s like a going backward in the history of industrialisation and displacement in Odisha. What did you find?

In 1997, the government first acquired almost 3,800 acres in Gopalpur. It gave people Rs one lakh compensation per acre, said that there will be a steel plant and every family will get a job. Nobody got jobs and there is no steel plant now. The state government has declared it will not even try to make a steel plant, instead it has got ‘in principle’ approval for an SEZ. The land now costs Rs 40 lakh an acre. At the end of the day, there is no obligation to give any jobs! Those villagers there who fought it out and did not give their land are in much better position today than those who were supposed to be helped by the project.

In Kalinganagar, it’s a very, very bad situation. Over so many years of isolation and criminalisation, people have been broken. Every now and then one more family gives in. They are not happy with it nor are they doing it voluntarily, they are not just able to cope any more. Those who had large houses with lots of space for livestock have been shifted to box houses in the rehabilitation colony. The government says that’s what they chose to build, as if this does not depend on how much money has been given for house construction. There is neither factory nor any meaning job except some training given to people.

In the proposed POSCO area is some of the most profitable farming I have seen. Social activist Jagdish Pradhan and I spoke to a lot of farmers and calculated, taking note of the input cost, that one betel farm over one-tenth of an acre earns a profit Rs 1.5-2 lakh. That is actually a stunning return, and these are ordinary people.

One of the farmers we spoke to has three acres. He spent Rs 10 lakh on his four children’s education and is building a house with Rs 9 lakh. Also, in the last 10 years, betel leave prices have shot up—what used to be Rs 15-20 per 1,000 leaves is now about Rs 1,000. So they are doing pretty well. Where is the demand for jobs? Rather, there is a demand for labour. That place, I am willing to assert, has the highest wage rate in Odisha, Rs 200 plus a meal, higher than wages that construction workers get in Bhubaneswar. If you are doing skilled work like manure application, or tying and untying creepers it’s Rs 400-500 rupees a day plus a meal. Put together the average wages is about Rs 250 a day that is twice the MGNRGEA rate in Orissa, which is Rs 125.

So you are going to destroy something that exists, where employment has been created by the people themselves, in exchange for something that Gopalpur and Kalinganagar show might never come.

But if enough compensation is given, are you still against the acquiring of farmland?

Suppose I say, a huge development project involves destruction of Taj Mahal and Gateway of India, but the compensation is adequate. What sort of argument is that? People sometimes want to sell their land, I agree. But you do not make them sell at the point of the gun. You do not beat them, raid them and isolate them in their villages when they refuse to sell. In case of Gopalpur, Tatas will make money renting out plots to other companies in the industrial park. Why could that money not gone to people themselves?

What about the Land Acquisition Bill? You must be closely following developments on that front.

I am not so excited about the Bill. One, is it the job of the state to transfer resources from ordinary people to a handful of private people? By this you are narrowing the base of ownership of resources in this country. Second, it stinks of corruption. You need to check on the assets of every major officer involved.

Talking of resources, why should you give away 600 million tonnes of iron ore to POSCO at a fraction of the international price? Our new royalty law is better, but fixed on the domestic price, not the international price. So you are allowing a loot and plunder of precious resources, mindless of environmental consequences and calling it development! The younger generation does not want to be in agriculture only because we have made agriculture pathetic.

We did not hear of farmers’ suicides in Odisha earlier. What change has occurred in the state to bring them about?

Farmers’ suicide in the eastern belt are considerably less than in other parts which have opted for cash crops fed mostly by chemical fertiliser, hybrid seeds and Bt seeds. In eastern India, the people still are dependent on food crops. But Odisha too is gradually adopting the cash crop model. The situation will worsen, for the planning model is to promote cash crops, mostly for export.

What’s your reaction to the draft legislation prepared by the National Advisory Council (NAC) on National Food Security which does not advocate universal PDS?

I differ. Food, healthcare, education and decent work should be universalised. It’s incorrect to think that universal PDS is not possible or difficult as ‘leakage’ takes place. Kerala has already shown the way. Functioning of PDS improved in Tamil Nadu as it moved towards universalisation.

People say journalists should be impartial, they should not be activists. But when we see you, the journalist and activist merge.

I do not see it that way— I see myself as a reporter. If I were an activist, I would be organising.

In any society, if you go against the dominant ideology, you will be branded. If you write about POSCO, or about any dam or any other project, you will be called an activist if you write about the affected people.

There was this Brazilian priest who said, “When I give food to the poor they call me a saint, when I ask why the poor are hungry, they call me a communist.”

Pradeep Baisakh is a Freelance Journalist based in Odisha. He has extensively written on issues relating to MGNREGA, Industrialisation and displacement, Forest and environment, Right to Information, migration etc. E mail: 2006pradeep@gmail.com

With inputs from Kedar Mishra and Abhisek Pande

Clearing Forests and People in Odisha

The piece came in Counter Punch, a leading Journal of United States on 15th July 2011

Web Link: http://counterpunch.org/pradeep07152011.html

Why the POSCO Project is Illegal

Clearing Forests and People in Odisha

By PRADEEP BAISAKH

While granting final forest clearance ( http://www.environmentportal.in/files/Posco-final-orders-02052011.pdf ) to the POSCO project on 2nd May 2011 in the Indian state of Odisha, Jairam Ramesh, Minister of Environment and Forest, Govt of India and the much touted new green hero of the day, said “Faith and trust in what the state government says is an essential pillar of cooperative federalism.” And, he goes by the words of the state government apparently forgetting that it’s the ‘Rule of Law’ that guides the centre-state relationship, not ‘faith and trust’. The minister, who acted quite un-green in approving the project, should have been little more vigilant in believing the vague terminologies invoked by the state government like ‘faith and trust’ while there are recorded evidences of malafide by state government in furnishing false information, particularly on settlement of Forest Rights Claims in the area, to the central government.

POSCO project

On June 22, 2005 Pohang Steel Company (POSCO), a large South Korean corporation, signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Government of Odisha. This understanding outlined POSCO’s proposal to invest $12 billion ( around 54 thousand crores in Indian rupees) and plan to build a 12 Million Tonne Per Annum ( MTPA) integrated steel plant, captive port and mines in Erasama block of Jagatatsinghpur district. This is tipped as the highest FDI to India. 4004 acres of land is required for establishing the project of which about 2900 acres are forest land and the rest are private land. In addition to this, land for a railways, road expansion and mine development are also to be provided. The MoU was however valid for five years, which stands expired now. Renewed MoU is yet to be signed as both the parties are in final stage of negotiation on clinching out the nitty-gritty of the MoU. The people of the area have been opposing the project from the beginning.

Palli Sabha resolutions ignored

The first and foremost issue is relating to Palli Sabha (Palli Sabha is the assembly adults of a revenue village which is synonymous to the generic term Gram Sabha) resolutions of the Dhinkia (held on 21st February 2011) and Gobindpur (23rd February 2011) villages under Dhinkia Village Panchayat (Village Panchayat is the lowest elected body in India), which dismissed the diversion of forest land to the project. (Three Village Panchayats are to be affected by the project; they are Dhinkia, Nuagaon and Gad Kujang) These resolutions were sent to the Minister by the anti-project outfit POSCO Pratirodha Sangram Samiti (PPSS). In his order the Minister relied on the fact submitted by the state government, given in response to the resolution, that resolutions were signed by some 69 out of 3445 voters in Dhinkia village and by 64 out of 1907 voters in Gobindpur village. This lacked the quorum, argued the state government. (The quorum under Forest Rights Act (FRA) mandates presence of two third of total voters of the village in the Palli Sabha meeting). However in reality in case of Dhinkia Palli Sabha resolution the numbers of signatures are 1632 and in case of Gobindpur it is 1265. Prashant Paikrai, the spokes-person of the outfit says “We had faxed only two pages of the resolution to MoEF but the complete copy was sent to both the MoEF and state government by registered post. The state government has lied on the number of signatures backing the resolutions. Still unfortunate is that Jairam Ramesh also accepted it unquestioned. The facts have now been presented before the High Court in a petition.”

Apart from the ground of quorum, the state government also has raised the issue of power of the Sarpanch (Elected head of a Gram Panchayat) to convene a Palli Sabha. In the response to the issue the state government has stated “Two resolutions purported to have been passed by the Palli Sabha are not available in the book (recorded by the gram panchayat secretary and signed by the Sarpanch) and are therefore fake ones”. MoEF also purportedly analysed various provisions of Orissa Gram Panchayat Act, Forest Rights Act and Rules and came to the conclusion that the resolutions are not valid documents. Many legal experts do not agree to the conclusion of the state and central government. In fact, the Odisha Chief Secretary’s order on 4th February 2009 states that when the Forest Rights Committee in a village wishes to present its findings there is no need to wait for any government decisions to convene any Palli Sabha and the ward member and Sarpach have to be impressed upon the need to hold the Palli Sabha. In the records relating to the aforesaid resolutions, the Panchayat Secretary writes that he could have not attained the meeting as there is no government order for him to attend. While in genuineness the Panchayat Secretary is guilty of violation of provisions for not attending the meet, to suit to its agenda the state government has suspended the Sarpanch of Dhinkia Panchayat Sisir Mohapatra for what it termed as ‘over-stepped his jurisdiction’. Legal expert Prasant Jena opines “Suspension of a democratically elected Sarpanch in such instance amounts to misuse of power by the state government”.

Irrespective of the technicalities involved, what is clearly visible here is the substantive aspect of the FRA has been relegated by the procedural aspects. The substance is that majority of people there opposed the diversion of forest land for the POSCO project. In fact the current acquisition of forest land by the state government for purpose of diversion has also not been backed by any Palli Sabha resolution which is mandatory under section 4 (5) of the law and the MoEF guideline dated 30 July 2009 . So it’s a legal violation which is now being contested in the High Court. The state government however is of the opinion that since there are no tribals and other traditional forest dwellers (OTFDs) (OTFDs are non-tribals dependent on forests), no such resolutions are needed!

Earlier in February 2010, Palli Sabhas in Dhinkia, Govindpur and Nuagaon villages were convened on the direction of the District Collector and passed resolution rejecting the forest diversion proposals for the project. All these resolutions however have been disrespected while final clearance was granted to the project by the Minister.

Claims under FRA not settled

The state government has been contending that there are no tribals and other traditional forest dwellers (OTFDs) in the area. This is factually incorrect. 2001 census itself shows there are 23 tribals in Polang village under Kujang Tehsil. Polang is one among the villages which is covered under the proposed project.

Photo: Survey of India map showing existence of forest in Dhinkia, Nuagaon, Gada Kujang in 1928-29

Under the definition, people living in the area and dependent on forest for three generations or 75 years prior to 13th December 2005 will be considered to be OTFDs. The state government claims that there was no forest in the area earlier. Only in October 1961 it was declared as forest under the Indian Forest Act. So the people living there could not have been dependent for 75 years on ‘Forest’. This negates the possibility of anyone falling under the category of OTFDs. Contrary to the government’s claim however, the map of Survey of India shows that as early as in 1928-29 the area was a forest land under Cuttack district (See Pic). (Jagatsingpur district was part of former undivided Cuttack district). Madhu Sarin, a renowned expert on forest issues, rubbishes the linkage of period of notification of forest to claims under FRA. She says “Under FRA the definition of forest includes all kinds of forest e.g. unclassified forests, reserved forests, existing or deemed forest, wild sanctuaries, national parks etc. It does not say that it should be notified in such and such year. If that has been the case then large parts of Odisha are not forest land as a large chunk of land in scheduled areas were notified as reserved and protected areas after independence.”

Records show existence of traditional forest dwellers

A record of rights of Giridhari Bardhan of Govindpur village is provided here collected from survey and settlement manual 1927 (Document available). In fact in his letter in August 2010, Dr N C Saxena, Chairperson of FRA monitoring committee constituted by MoEF and MoTA (Ministry of Tribal Affairs, GoI), has written to Jairam mentioning about ten documents providing the proof of existence of OTFDs in the area.

Saxena wrote in no uncertain terms that there was violation of Forest Rights Law in proposed POSCO area by the state government. Majority members of the POSCO review committee (Headed by Ms Meena Gupta) held that there was gross violation of environmental laws, fabrication of evidence, perpetuation of forest rights violations and suppressing facts relating to the Costal Regulation Zone (CRZ). They even recommended prosecution of the authorities who had violated the provisions of the Forest Rights Act (FRA) and other environmental laws.

Ignoring all the evidence of violation of laws the Environment Minister gave approval to the project. Not surprisingly, just after four days of final approval to POSCO, the Minister said on record that he is forced to regularise illegalities many a times!

The ongoing period in the area is witnessing unprecedented stand off between the administration and the people with heavy deployment of police force on one and people sitting in Dharanas (protest demonstrations) on the other. While some of the lands have been acquired by administration after the approval from MoEF, it is facing stiff resistance from people in Dhinkia and Gobindpur villages.

Pradeep Baisakh is a freelance journalist based in Odisha (An Indian State) . He can be contacted through e mail: 2006pradeep@gmail.com

War Zone In Proposed POSCO Project Area

The piece was carried in Counter Currents on 14th July 2011 and in Delhi Talks on 3rd August 2011

Web Link: http://www.countercurrents.org/baisakh140711.htm

Web Link: http://www.delhitalks.in/war-zone-in-the-name-of-development.html

War Zone In Proposed POSCO Project Area

By Pradeep Baisakh

14 July, 2011

Countercurrents.org

Children in Dharana (Photo by Pradeep Baisakh)

By providing the environment and forest clearance to the 52,000 crore ($12 billion) POSCO project in Jagatsingpur district of Orissa, the much touted Green Minister of India Jairam Ramesh (He has been recently made the Rural development Minister) knowing or unknowingly opened the road for possible bloodshed in the area. Last some days have witnessed how the state administration has been unperturbed in its resolve to acquire land in the area to be handed over to the POSCO Company for establishing the steel cum power plant despite insurmountable resistance of the local inhabitants.

About the project

On June 22, 2005 Pohang Steel Company (POSCO), a large South Korean corporation, signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Government of Orissa. This understanding outlined POSCO’s proposal to invest $12 billion ( around 54 thousand crores in Indian rupees) and plan to build a 12 Million Tonne Per Annum ( MTPA) integrated steel plant, captive port and mines in Erasama block of Jagatatsinghpur district. This is tipped as the highest FDI to India. 4004 acres of land is required for establishing the project of which about 2900 acres are forest land and the rest are private land. In addition to this, land for a railways, road expansion and mine development are also to be provided. The MoU was however valid for five years, which stands expired now. Renewed MoU is yet to be signed as both the parties are in final stage of negotiation on clinching out the nitty-gritty of the MoU.

Stiff resistance to land acquisition process

After getting the ‘go ahead’ from the Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF), GoI on 2nd May 2011, (link of the final order http://www.environmentportal.in/files/Posco-final-orders-02052011.pdf ) the state administration focussed acquiring land in (from 18th May 2011) in Polang , Noliasahi and Bhuyanpal etc villages under Gadkujang and Nuagaon Panchayats where most people barring some were persuaded and threatened to hand over their land in lieu of compensation. Betel vines, the major source of livelihood of the people in the area, were pulled down by the administration. Armed police dragooned the people who opposed the government and took into custody 17 people including some 6 children (later released after they signed in a plain paper) for what government said ‘obstructing the government operation’. Basu Behera, the Panchayat Samiti member of Gadkujang Panchayat and vice President of PPSS (POSCO Pratirodha Sangram Samiti), the outfit opposing the project bled owing to the police attack. The administration allegedly engineered infighting between the pro- and anti-POSCO groups where the pro-POSCO people to burnt down the betel vines of Natha Samal, the PPSS member from Nuagaon village.

The police faced unprecedented resistance from people when it attempted to enter the Govindpur village under Dhinkia Panchayat, its next target, which is considered to be the bastion of PPSS. 20 platoon armed police force were deployed to tackle the situation and the District Magistrate Narayan Jena and Superintendent of Police Debadutta Singh were personally present to supervise the operation. More than 3000 people formed human chain and lied down on ground at the entry point to the village (during first half of June 2011). Manjulata Dalai of Govindpur village, who was sitting in Dharana, says “If the land goes to the company, we will die anyway. It is better to die now in pursuit of protecting our land than dying after losing the land”. In a novel method about 600 children formed the frontal barricade and prostrated on the hot sand preventing the entry of police to their villages. While administration cried foul over the use of children in the struggle claiming it to be violation of child rights, the villagers apparently had no option left but to take help of the children to protect their homeland. Priyanka Dalai, a girl reading in 5th class, who sat on Dharana said “We will not leave our land. We will protect it at any cost”. The district administration had gone on record saying that they could use force to acquire land. The situation looked very precarious where the people were lying on ground under scorching sun while the police was ready just 500 metres away. Imposition of section 144 of CrPC and repeated warning by the district Superintendent of Police to leave the land fell into deaf ear; people did not budge. Dr B D Sharma, former SC/ST Commissioner who visited the area told the media that the determination of people not to leave their land in unshakable. “People are protesting here for last 6 years. Even then if the administration resorts to use force leading to any loss of life, it would amount to genocide for which the administration will be fully responsible”. The human chain continues in the area even now.

The participation of children was defended by Abhaya Sahoo, leader of PPSS who said “Since the parents are being beaten up by the police and the armed police are confronting the democratically protesting People, so the children are compelled to participate in the protest Dharanas. I will say it’s the higher consciousness of the children that they have come forward to rescue of their parents and to safeguard their livelihood.” In fact the new strategy of taking help of children had apparently become inevitable in backdrop of event a year earlier in May 2010 where people were fired rubber bullets and tear gas, were lathi charged and local houses were burnt at Balitutha, the entry point to the three affected Panchayats leaving more than 100 people injured including several women. Children were kept in the front to negate such a possibility.

Temporary retreat by government

Unable to break the determination of the people the administration made a retreat and declared a temporary suspension of acquisition operation only to be redeployed later of and on. But until now the administration has not use force to drive out the people. There are apparently some concrete reasons why the administration opted not to use force on the democratically protesting people. First, the children barricade proved to be too impervious to be broken. Moreover, it did not want to create another ‘Kalinga Nagar’ where 12 tribal people were shot dead by the police in January 2006 in Jajpur district of the state. Since the firing there has been no significant progress of industrial work in Kalinga Nagar. This had happened when administration was facilitating construction work for TATA steels. This one incidence has left indelible blot on the image of Naveen Patnaik at the national and international level. Despite a thumping third time come back to power, Naveen can ill afford to have earned another killer image like that in Kalinga Nagar, though it would not deter to use force to disperse the crowd. Secondly, almost all the political parties barring the ruling BJD, throng to the area extending support to the protesting mass and decried any use of force on the people. CPI, CPI (M), Congress, BJP and other small parties sent their representatives who sat alongside the people and thwarted any possible police action. A series of social activists of national stature Medha Patkar, Swami Agnivesh, Vandana Shiva, Trade union leader Gurudas Dasgupta, Retd Justice of Bombay HC Justice Kolse Patil, Magsaysay award winner Sandeep Pande and others sat beside the women and children and extended solidarity to them.The demonstrations of the political parties and social activist continue in the capital Bhubaneswar of and on. Medha and Agnivesh appealed to Naveen government to hold dialogue with the people. Third and most important reason that prevented government using force is the 24x7 presence of media, most importantly the electronic media which made live telecasts and kept a close watch over the warlike situation. The strategy of children prostrating under hot sun caught the limelight of the people across the globe and sympathy waves flowed in support of the people determined to sacrifice anything and everything for their land. People from 64 countries, in a signed petition, have urged the Chief Minister not to use force and hold dialogue with the people.

Jairam Ramesh also issued a statement to the state government that approval of the project by his ministry should not be treated a licence for the government to use force on people.

Uncertainty looms large

 While the administration has already acquired some 1800 acres of land out of proposed 3719 acres (reduced from the original plan of 4004 acres) and started construction work even when there is no valid MoU between the state government with the POSCO company, uncertainty looms large over the future of the project so also the life and livelihood of the people. Of 3719 acres, 2900 acres are forest land, which the government claims to be of its own. Claims under forest Rights Act have however not been settled, though administration claims that there are no eligible claimants for forest land in the area. Separate expert committee reports headed by N C Saxena and Meena Gupta have found gross violation of the forest rights law by the state government in the area.

22nd June was observed as the ‘Black Day’ by the anti-POSCO people in Govidnpur village. On this date in 2005 the MoU was signed by the state government with South Korea steel giant. On the day, while the retreat by the government was celebrated as a temporary victory of people, Abhaya Sahoo, the leader of PPSS cautioned people of the possible ploy of the government to come in a big way following the retreat. Prashant Paikrai, the spokesperson of PPSS Said “We have concrete information that the government is attempting to arrest leaders from the village including Abhaya Sahoo so that the movement becomes weak.” On the other hand the Chief Secretary of the state, Bijay Patnaik has reiterated that the government is for peaceful land acquisition. “We have asked the district administration to motivate people to cooperate the administration in support of the mega project”. But police platoon are still camping in the schools in the area raising doubts over the intention of the administration more so when no such offer of talks have been declared by administration despite repeated requests and petitions from different quarters. National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) appealed the government to withdraw police force from the schools for their smooth functioning.

In the mean time some affected individuals like Nishakar Khatua and five others have filed writ petition near the state High Court to quash the forest and environment clearance order of the MoEF, GoI claiming that FRA is violated and to stop land acquisition in the area. The Court has started hearing the petition, though any concrete ruling is yet to come.

Coming days will determine the future of industrialisation in the state that has signed more than 79 MoUs in last ten years but whose track record of following them has been poor. The intent and courage of Naveen government in reckoning and accommodating the view of the people in the process will prove to be the key in resolving issues.

Author is a Freelance Journalist based in Bhubaneswar, Orissa. He can be contacted by e mail: 2006pradeep@gmail.com

Children’s participation in protest is due to their higher consciousness: Abhaya Sahoo

The interview came in Orissa Diary on 24th June 2011.

Web Link: http://orissadiary.com/inerview/abhaysahoo.asp


Children’s participation in protest is due to their higher consciousness: Abhaya Sahoo

Amidst controversial but successful method of taking help of children to stage Dharana in Govindur village under Kujang Tehsil to prevent the entry of the administration to acquire land in the area, POSCO Pratirodha Sangram Samiti (PPSS) observed ‘Black Day’ on 22nd June to protest the day on which MoU was signed by the Orissa government with the south Korean Steel Giant: POSCO. Its leader Abhaya Sahoo terms the decision of administration for temporary suspension of land acquisition as a victory of people, though temporary, which PPSS promises to convert into a permanent victory. In an exclusive interview he speaks to Pradeep Baisakh, Senior Editor, OrissaDiary and clears air over controversies surrounding their struggle.

Photo: Abhaya Sahoo

Orissa Diary: The government has announced for a temporary suspension of land acquisition in Govindpur/Dhinkia area? Do you consider it as your victory?

Abhaya Sahoo: Temporarily suspended. So it’s also a temporary victory. But we want to convert it to a permanent victory. We have miles to go. We have to strengthen our organisation so also our movement to achieve the permanent goal.

OD: Who this victory is attributed to?

AS: The democratic movement has forced the state government to withdraw the land acquisition process for a temporary period. It also needs to be noted that by the political atmosphere, which was created on the ground, the Naveen government was sidelined. All political partied except the ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD) came and extended their support to the POSCO Pratirodh Sangram despite the difference amongst themselves. Several social and political activists of national stature and reputation also visited and extended support.

OD: Has the visit of many national level activists like Medha Patkar, Swami Agnivesh, Gurudas Dasgupta, Rajgopal and others and the visit of representatives (from within Orissa) of political parties like CPI, CPI (M), Congress and others boosted the morale of the protesting people?

AS: Naturally several national social and political activists came here and the way they addressed the protesting people, it mounted pressure on the government on one hand and encouraged the people on the other. The leaders now keep coming. Their solidarity keeps the morale of people high and strengthens the movement.

OD: A new aspect of the movement added this time where you have preferred children to form the frontal barricade of the human chain formed that literally stopped the police to enter into the village. Do not you think the issue of child rights is involved here?

AS: Basic responsibility lies with the government to make congenial atmosphere for the children to go to school. I think that aspect is avoided deliberately by the state government. Since the parents are being beaten up by the police and the armed police are confronting the democratically protesting People, so the children are compelled to participate in the protest Dharanas. I will say it’s the higher consciousness of the children that they have come forward to rescue of their parents and to safeguard their livelihood.

OD: Do you see the temporary suspension of land acquisition by the government as a trick to befool people and make some new strategy to enter the area by taking people by surprise?

AS: I see this retreat of the government as a tactic to buy time and come again in a big way. This is one thing. We however are all for strengthening our movement and mobilize people in and around so that the pitch of democratic protest goes up which the government will find hard to ignore. It may then budge to the wishes of people.

OD: The government seems to be firm in establishing the POSCO project in this area since it has started construction work in the Polang and other villages where it has already acquired land. How do you respond to that?

AS: If you take law into consideration, since there is no MoU (MoU has expired and yet to be renewed) with POSCO, the government should have not taken any construction work for POSCO now. But they have done it which is beyond law. They are violating the law. We are also organising people from the side where construction work is going on so that they oppose the construction work. Some individuals have taken the shelter of the High Court against the illegal order of the Environment Ministry of GoI and illegal land acquisition. The court will be hearing the case soon.

OD: Visiting personalities like Swami Agnivesh, Medha Patkar urged the government to hold talks with the protesting people. Shall you be willing to talk to the government?

AS: Democratic dialogue has a good space in a democratic movement that we cannot avoid. Last year we had a direct dialogue with the Chief Minister also. But he did not keep up to his promise to visit our area. If the state government wants to start a negotiation with PPSS it should create a congenial atmosphere. For that it has to stop land acquisition, withdraw armed police from the area and withdraw false cases clamped on innocent people, and then PPSS will consider any offer of dialogue with the government.

OD: But you are firm on your position for the relocation of the POSCO project from this location. This does not leave any room for negotiation. On what subject then the government holds dialogue on?

AS: This is our basic demand that the government must withdraw the POSCO project from here. If the government is not keen in withdrawing project from our area, they may not come for any dialogue. The movement has come to the stage where the government cannot resort to use of force to establish the project as ours is a democratic movement and this is also a democratically elected government. Dialogue is of course a preferred way for working out solutions.

OD: What is your impression on United Action Committee (UAC), a pro-POSCO outfit? Does it represent the people’s will or it’s a creation of the government to confuse the media and public?

AS: It’s a creation of the government and the company. They have lost their entity. Their chairman has resigned. They are also divided with respect of who would get the contract for undertaking construction work in the area. They are now afraid of people and they are going to be more divided.

OD: Veteran BJD leader Damodar Rout alleges that since you do not belonging to this area, so you do not have any locus standi to lead the movement?

AS: The person who has made such complaints against me himself does not belong to this area. So he and I fit into the same category. If he has the right to make complaints I have the right to fight for protecting the interest of people.

OD: If everyone starts opposing the industrial projects like this then what will be the future of industrial of the state?

AS: It’s not good to oppose industrialisation for the sake of opposition. We are of very scientific view that the industrialisation should not come at the cost of vibrant agrarian economy. That’s our objective and stand. It can be take in some barren land where there is no or faltering agriculture. We are not opposed to industrialisation.

OD: If in place of POSCO, which is a foreign company, an India company like TATA proposes to build steel plant in the area, would you also oppose the same way?

AS: It’s not a question of domestic or foreign capital. At no cost a rich agrarian economy can be sacrificed for such industries.

OD: Police has been camping in the area for some months now. Are people in the village facing any difficulty due to this?

AS: People are facing different types of socio-economic difficulties due to the police presence. At one point the police was camping in the schools inside the village, which was hampering the education of the children. This is however not possible for them due to the movement of the people. The police presence at the entry point to the area, namely Balitutha prevents the activist to go out of our area. Ceremonies could not be held in villages. People cannot go out to meet relatives, cannot go out for undertaking economic activities etc. So a lot of social and economic hardships people have to face.

OD: Are people facing any health related hardships?

AS: On occasions the health of the people has been complicated due to improper access to hospitals. But PPSS has arranged heath camps for the needy people and we have asked solidarity organisations to provide doctors to look the ailing people.

OD: At this testing moment what is your appeal for the public who are sympathisers of the anti-POSCO movement?

AS: To express solidarity to this anti-POSCO movement has been a key contribution of our friends and well wishers outside. It has helped us a lot in keeping our momentum. It has also kept building pressure on the state and central government in many ways. We urge the public at large to oppose any forceful attempt of land acquisition and help us visiting us, by writing to the government to withdraw force, by simultaneously undertake protest march or Dharanas in other areas.